Nationalist Croatian Rock Star Causing a Stir in Cleveland

Marko Perkovic, who performs under the name "Thompson", is causing a bit of a stir in Cleveland as his upcoming concert continues to draw fierce criticism from the area's Serbian residents. Local Serbian residents claim that Perkovic's songs glorify Serbian ethnic cleansing.

Perkovic is currently scheduled to perform in Cleveland on November 9th. The Serbian Unity Congress has condemned his North American tour. Milosh Milenkovich, a resident of Cleveland and former President of the SUC, said that Perkovic's music is a glorification of fascism and genocide, and vows to protest his Ohio concert.

While performing a concert this summer in his home country of Croatia, Perkovic's audience gave Nazi salutes. Perkovic was banned from performing in the Netherlands due to his flirtations with neo-Nazism.

His supporters, however, claim that his music is merely about his love for his country during a time of civil war.

Comments

Who is Marko Perkovic "Thompson?"

Marko Perkovic is Croatia's most prominent musician. He and his band go by the stage-name "Thompson." That was the nick-name given to him by his fellow soldiers during Croatia's 1991-1995 war of independence from Serbian-dominated communist Yugoslavia. The village he was born in, "Cavoglave," was on the front-lines of Serbian aggression during that turbulent period. He took part in the successful defense of his nation. The weapon he was issued was the American-made sub-machine gun, hence the nick-name Thompson. Marko Perkovic was quickly catapulted to fame by his patriotic song, "Cavoglave," dedicated to defenders from the village of his birth. The song inspired all Croatian defenders. It inspired Croatian civilians and Croatians all around the world at a very critical moment in the small nation's history. It was on that foundation that he built his career. And "Thompson" soon became a house-hold name.

What type of music does "Thompson" perform?
"Thompson" is a hard-rock/heavy-metal band. Many of the band's songs are comprised of ethno-elements, folk poetry and songs that have for centuries accompanied Croatian folk-dances. "Thompson" has also been known to perform and record pop-songs.

What does Marko Perkovic sing about?
Marko Perkovic and his band are certainly not one-dimensional. Earlier in his career, Perkovic recorded many love songs to accompany hits that were centered around Croatian social themes. Since his career took off during Croatia's fight for independence, many of his songs were about the liberation of Croatia. Croatia gained official international recognition in 1992. Croatia was officially and legitimately liberated in 1995. Contrary to negative propaganda and outright lies, Thompson’s songs inspired Croatians during the liberation of their homeland. Thompson also recorded songs depicting the plight of Croatian soldiers after the war. Stories about the experiences similar to those of Vietnam Vets in the United States after returning from war. With his more recent albums, Thompson has centered the themes of his songs on the natural scenic beauty of Croatia and three social values that the overwhelming majority of Croatians hold dear: God, family and the homeland. His music has never glorified war-criminals from the past or present. These accusations are simply preposterous.

Continue reading, click read more

God, Family and the Homeland
Thompson has on numerous occasions challenged anyone opposed to him or his music to prove their false claims and accusations. He has challenged all his critics to listen to his songs, obtain translations of his lyrics, and finally learn the truth about his music. Once again, the main themes of Thompson's songs are about God, family and the homeland. Many critics, purposely or not, misinterpret his music as political activism. Perhaps it because of the message his songs emit. Messages of faith in God, love of family and homeland. A far cry from a nationalist or extremist, Thompson is simply a patriot. Something he willingly admits. These are themes hardly worthy of controversy and the kind of negative publicity surrounding him and his band.

Thompson does NOT perform anthems that glorify war-criminals, concentration camps or genocide
The worst of all false accusations flung at Thompson is that he is the author of a song called: "Jasenovac & Gradiska Stara." Contrary to fallacious propaganda and claims, Thompson is not the author of this song. He does not, nor has he ever, performed it live. It cannot be found on any of Thompson's seven albums. We challenge all his critics and accusers to listen to all of his recorded work and learn the truth for themselves. Once again, we challenge all to obtain copies of his official albums; and kindly ask to refrain from viewing or listening to propagandistic montages constructed and posted on the Internet by anonymous Thompson-haters. The song is simply not his.

Why, then, does so much controversy revolve around Thompson?
Since the end of World War II, the Croatian nation was systematically stigmatized by the Serbian-dominated communist government of Yugoslavia. For 45 yrs., any hint of Croatian patriotism was extinguished by the state's apparatus, most commonly under the false indictment of “fascist“ or “Nazi“ separatism. To accompany the murder and imprisonment of Croatian patriots within Yugoslavia and around the world, negative propaganda about Croatians was disseminated by Belgrade's information services. This was purposely done with the objective of squashing any activism around the world. Within years, the Croatian nation became synonymous with that of the Nazis. Sadly, in many cases of western literature, the false accusation stuck.

With his songs, Thompson has for some reason warranted the ire of many anti-Croatian Greater-Serbian nationalists and their well-paid public-relation mouthpieces their lobbies employ. They have still not come to terms that they were on the losing side of a war of aggression that Milosevic’s Serbia committed against Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. They have still not come to terms with the fact that Croatia is an independent country proud of its recent victory on the battle-field against criminal aggression. Croatia's enemies have since conducted a defamation campaign against all Croats, not just Thompson. It is their hope to stifle Croatia’s chance at entry into the European Union. Thompson is very popular among Croatians that are old enough to remember the war years in the early 1990s. And the band quickly became a natural target for Croatia's enemies. The defamation campaign is spear-headed by negative propaganda identical to the kind spread world-wide during communist Yugoslavia. Propaganda that basically equates the entire Croatian nation and its identity to Nazism. It appears that not even a simple musician can escape anti-Croatian bias. This type of propaganda war-fare should not be surprising to American eyes or ears. We ask all interested to try and understand the political/social landscape of once war-torn South Central Europe. Starting from that position, it will be much easier to understand today’s relations between peoples of the former Yugoslavia.

Thompson performed in Frankfurt, Germany on April 21, 2007
As you probably know by now, Thompson is very popular in Croatian emigrant communities around the world. He has sold out concerts in Australia, Canada and Germany. Just to name a few countries. Thompson played a packed Ballsporthalle in Frankfurt, Germany on April 21, 2007. We’d like to remind you that the concert was held in the heart of Germany. A nation with the most stringent of anti-bias and anti-hate laws that exist anywhere in the world. When German authorities translated Thompson’s lyrics, something we ask all of you to do, they soon learned what the band is really about. And the show went on as planned. We find it extremely hard to believe that Thompson’s most vocal critics are not aware of this. Once again, we remind you that Thompson performed a successful show in Frankfurt, Germany. The concert and the translation of lyrics made by German authorities were reported by major media-outlets in that country. As correctly and truthfully reported in the newspapers Allgemeine Zeitung and Frankfurter Allgemeine, Thompson’s lyrics neither promote, nor incite, violence.

There has never been a violent incident at a Thompson concert
Because of many false accusations and outright lies, we’d like to mention that there has never been an incident at any of Thompson’s many concerts. Whether in Frankfurt, Germany or Zagreb, Croatia-- Thompson‘s concerts, naturally, always conclude peacefully. Just another fact that proves the critics wrong.

Marko Perkovic is a musician
Marko Perkovic is a Croatian patriot that loves his country dearly. He is not a member of any political party in Croatia, nor does he have any affiliation to political or activist groups within or outside the country. Marko Perkovic Thompson is just a musician.
Just as we Americans love our country, Perkovic loves his. Just as Jewish-Americans love their heritage and Israel, Perkovic loves Croatia. And so do Croatian-Americans. So do Croatians world-wide. With his music, Perkovic simply sings of patriotism and love of the Croatian heritage. His songs inspire many Croats to live honest lives, cherish family, honor God and be faithful to the homeland. To Croatians in the United States, this translates into the respect of not only the Croatian heritage, but of respect to our American heritage; into respect for the great nation that in the past granted amnesty to Croatians that sought refuge and freedom from oppression. The incessant attacks against this very successful musician are simply baseless and unwarranted.

im from canada and i cannot agree more with this comment. i hold family god and croatia close to my heart. as should every other person in any other country. stop fighting thompson and his music he is what he is; a singer and nothing more and nothing less

A lot of people seem to forget that Croatia was not a Nazi State, a Nazi puppet State yes, but no Croatian was part of that political party.Croatia, during these dark times, was deeply divided in political terms, almost more than half of the active population (!!!) joined the Partisans or had sympathies for them, there were only about 1500 Ustasa soldiers (some sort of elite troops, regular army was called Domobrani and they were not involved in slaughtering people just because they were not Croatians) in Croatia at that time (Ustasa were fascists and they did murder a lot of people like Serbs, Gypsies, Jews, Croatians with other political views,...) but to say that Croatians are antisemitic is ridiculous, they never have been and will never be.Thompson is a singer, and that's it.As far as I remember he never mentioned anything in his songs that would made him a fascist or, unbelievable to me, a Nazi.I think there's too much talk about nothing...he is just an artist and not a criminal.

This person must be a catholic priest or ex ustasa.
He has gut to claim there was only 1500 ustasha in Croatia??? What is this Hollywood kids story, or Disneyland? Who did then all these mass killings of civilian population in Croatia and BiH?? Ghosts???
Beside the facts that many catholic priests were among them during WWII, and before in German attack. Most of them were "fifth column" working pro-naci behind the defense lines of old Yugoslav army! There are many evidences of bloodsheed comited by catholic priests together with ustashe criminals. Beside this Stepinac, as one of the bloodyest cardinal in last century was bussy blessing the weapons of ustashe during the WWII....

During the WWII people in croatia had only two choices, be an ustasha(correct is Ustaša) or be on the partisan's side. Either way it turned out that they were wrong. Many people didn't even know correctly which side is for what, they decided in many cases purely on place/village where they lived. Or they were just picked up by ustaša's or partisan's army, if they refused they were killed.
Killings were on both sides and only that is the real truth. War is war, and yeah war is HELL!!!
And one thing more Kardinal Alojzije Stepinac (now saint) was never nor will be a war criminal.

Once again war is war, and we all are criminals if we took part at it. And if God read this he would agree with me.

Here is a press release by an objective organization:

http://www.wiesenthal.com/site/apps/nl/content2.asp?c=fwLYKnN8LzH&b=245494&ct=4555931

News Releases

October 25, 2007

WIESENTHAL CENTER URGES NEW YORK ARCHDIOCESE TO DISASSOCIATE ITSELF FROM CONCERT OF A CROATIAN ROCK SINGER WHO CELEBRATES ETHNIC CLEANSING AND GENOCIDE IN HIS MUSIC

The Simon Wiesenthal Center calls on the New York Archdiocese to distance itself from Croatian rock star Marko Perkovic, also known as “Thompson,” whose repertoire includes songs glorifying ethnic cleansing, and whose followers were photographed giving the Ustashe salute. Perkovic’s concert in New York is scheduled to take place in a venue that, according to reports, is owned by a Catholic Church in midtown Manhattan. Moreover, tickets for the concert are being sold at the Croatian Catholic Church. In a letter to Cardinal Edward Egan, Mark Weitzman, Director of the Center’s Task Force Against Hate, wrote in part,

“Any glorification of the Ustashe regime, with its murderous record against Jews, Serbs and other Croats, especially one that uses popular culture to appeal to a new generation, must be firmly rejected. I urge you to take the lead on this issue, and to reaffirm the Church's commitment against antisemitism, intolerance and violence by making sure that there is no connection between the Church and Perkovic that could in any way imply support of his hateful positions.”

Center officials have also been in touch with Croatian diplomats in an effort to urge the Croatian government to live up to its international obligations to repudiate the singer and to ensure that institutions connected to the government do not give Perkovic any support.

Further concerts on the US tour are scheduled for Los Angeles and Cleveland. In Toronto, the owners of the hall where the concert was scheduled was cancelled after protests by the Friends of the Simon Wiesenthal Center and others. Authorities in Vancouver have indicated that they planned to send members of the Hate Crimes Unit to monitor the show. “Inviting this man to sing in North America is tantamount to inviting a singer to extol ethnic cleansing in Darfur,” said Rabbi Abraham Cooper, associate dean of the Wiesenthal Center. “Croatia today is a free country but in a democracy, those who celebrate the genocidal Ustashe regime deserve condemnation, not accommodation,” he concluded.

The Simon Wiesenthal Center is one of the largest international Jewish human rights organizations with over 400,000 member families in the United States. It is an NGO at international agencies including the United Nations, UNESCO, the OSCE, and the Council of Europe.

For more information, contact the Mark Weitzman, 212-370-0320 or the Center's Public Relations department, 310-553-9036

I think Simon Wiesenthal Center should remind their own people to live up to UN resolutions,stop nuclear race,stop building a wall for separation,stop daily killing of palastinians (one half are innocent woman and children),stop bringing more settlers etc..To do all this in the name of protection,self-defense is a joke!All this is more of ethnic cleansing then "inviting this man to sing",since this man sings about God,Family and Country!!( maybe Jewish people sing about same things ??)If SWC cares about human rights,then they should focus first on their own garden!

Here's a source I would consider more *objective' than SWC.
-------------------------------------------------

Rocking The Boat
Marko Perkovic Is Said to Have Fascist Leanings, But He Played From a Different Songbook in N.Y.

By David Segal
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, November 5, 2007; Page C01

NEW YORK Here is what we knew about Marko Perkovic before he performed two concerts in Manhattan this weekend:

He's a popular Croatian rock star, accused for years of stoking fascist sentiments among fans in his homeland. Some of these fans show up at concerts wearing T-shirts and symbols that celebrate the Ustase regime, which collaborated with the Nazis during World War II and operated two concentration camps. We know, too, that the Simon Wiesenthal Center denounced Perkovic, who was slated to appear here in a hall attached to a Catholic church, leading to this memorable headline in the New York Daily News: "Jewish Groups Protest Show of Nazi Band at Church Hall."

Croatian rock star Marko Perkovic, performing in Zagreb, generated protest buzz, but not much action, for his Manhattan performances. (Associated Press)

So what do we know now that the concerts went ahead, as planned?

The man digs British heavy metal, circa 1975.

And he looks good in black.

"Nazi band"? Nuh-uh. Perkovic, 42, did not "sieg heil" nor did he rant against the Serbs, Jews or any other group, according to the many Croatians who were happy to interpret during the show. (Perkovic does not speak English.) Instead, in the community center of the Croatian Church of Sts. Cyril & Methodius in Midtown, he sang a lot of fervently nationalistic, mid-tempo rock songs, most of which sounded like Iron Maiden doing Eastern European folk. And he harped again and again on his favorite themes: love of God, family and Croatia. Especially Croatia, which in his music sounds like a place abused for centuries and still under siege.

"To battle, to battle for your people," he sang at one point -- that's a translation, of course -- and the words briefly turned into a chant for the room of 600 fans. Combat imagery is part of the brand that is Perkovic, a former soldier who fought against Serbian troops in the war that raged between 1991 and 1995 and who sings under the stage name Thompson, which he took from his submachine gun.

But somehow, the show Saturday night felt more like a family get-together than a flag-waving rally. Most of the attendees were in their 30s and 40s -- a younger crowd showed up on Friday night -- and everyone seemed to know one another.

"He's singing about how beautiful Croatia is," said Mary Ann Lakoseljac, who came with her sister and parents. Like a lot of people, she sounded a little offended by the fuss about Perkovic. "Seriously, they don't even call the Germans 'Nazis' anymore. But you hear that about Croatians all the time."

Now, it's quite possible, of course, that Perkovic delivered a bile-free act tailored for this city. You know -- ixnay on the Ascism-fay, or something like that. Certainly, he knew he was under scrutiny. In the lead up to the show, the Wiesenthal Center publicly asked Cardinal Edward Egan to block the event from happening in a church-affiliated venue. "I urge you to take the lead on this issue and to reaffirm the church's commitment against anti-Semitism, intolerance and violence," wrote Mark Weitzman of the center's Task Force Against Hate and Terrorism.

That did it. On Friday, the night of the first show, the controversy had drawn a handful of camera crews from local TV stations, as well as about 10 protesters, who were ushered by cops to the opposite side of the street, where they began chanting slogans like "Nazis out of New York, Nazis out, Nazis out!" You could sense the media and the protesters trying to turn this into a newsworthy spectacle, but it never quite jelled. There weren't quite enough protesters, for one thing, and none of them really had particularly compelling evidence that Perkovic is a Nazi.

"We actually got a call from the Village Voice about this," said Greg Pason, who helped organize the outing. "We got this white supremacist club in Bergen County shut down recently, and so the Voice called us and asked if we were doing anything about the show. We didn't know anything about it till all the papers started covering."

His beef with Perkovic: "We think this is an ultranationalist show and exactly the sort of thing that people should stand up against."

The protesters' chanting, naturally, infuriated the fans who had to wait in line and get jeered at for a good 20 minutes. A few of them offered an obscene gesture or two. Just one -- an immense 20ish guy who would not give his name -- turned up wearing an objectionable shirt, one that had a small "U" on it, under a photo of a former Croatian general who now stands accused of war crimes.

The "U" stands for Ustase.

"You know, this is all overboard, it's all a big hype," he said, with two news cameras filming him. "This guy's no different than Billy Joel or Bruce Springsteen. This is about pride. Nothing but pride."

Uh-huh. What's the U stand for?

"I don't know," he said, adding, "We're done."

But he was the exception. Most fans were eager to offer a lesson in a history that stretches back centuries and involves antipathies that seem fantastically complicated and deep-seated. The danger of a Perkovic show, it turns out, is not that there will be hate speech. It's that there will be lectures.

"Croatia is a very peaceful place," said Kathy Jurac. "We've been occupied by the Turks, by the Austrians, by the Hungarians, by the Italians, and we have for years. That's why our independence means so much to us. And that's why it hurts Thompson that generals he fought with are in jail, accused of atrocities."

For the organizers of the show, all the negative attention put them in a defensive crouch.

"No media are allowed in the show," said promoter George Corluka. "It's not my decision. It's up to the church." Perkovic, he added, was devastated by the terrible hubbub that preceded him in the United States and would not speak to any members of the print media in this country because no one would treat him fairly.

This reporter purchased tickets on Craigslist.com on Saturday afternoon.

"Okay, you're the only media in here," Corluka said, a few songs into the concert. "We'll see if you're fair. We'll see."

The attempted journalist blockade might have raised the expectations bar a little high. No offense, Mr. Corluka, but musically Perkovic and his band are kind of mundane; they sound, at moments, like the Gipsy Kings doing "Dust in the Wind." The charm of songs like "Geni Kameni" is perhaps in the lyrics -- and they don't translate all that well:

Genes, genes made of stone

A fire burns within me

Genes, genes made of stone

That's the way we are born

Take it or leave it.

This, of course, sounds different to Croatian ears. There, Perkovic is considered not just an entertainer but a political phenomenon, says Srdjan Dvornik, executive director of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights, who spoke yesterday as he was heading home to Zagreb.

"After the war with the Serbs, there was never a real confronting with the past," he said. "Nobody ever admitted that Croatia, as part of a defensive war, committed acts of ethnic cleansing. So the myth of the Croatians as collective victims is still alive. But now it's just left to people like Thompson to express that myth publicly."

I disagree with the post mentioned earlier about the Simon Wiesenthal press release. It is in NO way objective. It is subjective, full of bias and opinion. No one from the Wiesenthal centre bothered to ask Croatians their knowledge on this matter, nor have they even bothered asking for translations of Thompson's songs. That to me is not democratic.

In peace and love.

Thompson he sings about religion, love, and God and to his country.
we are all people and we have our own likes and dislikes.
and the Croation people love to listen to his music.
i just dont understand how people cant except the fact that they love him.
Heres an example what if your favorite singer came into town and people from your own town start prostesting against him.
u wouldnt be too happy.right?
thats why im trying to make a point here, thompson is a very good singer, he puts his time into writing his own music, and his music makes alot of sense.
And the people that are protesting they might live next to a croation person or even might be friends with them.Why cant we all just get along and all be friends and stop this hatred among each other? I just dont understand why people are making a big deal about this? Because i know for a fact a Croation person would NEVER prostes against your countrys famous singer no matter what other people think of the singer.
Thats why i think we should stop this nonsense and all stop the hatred toward each other.And i dont like to see people go against each other.
And i think he should sing On Friday, and i think he deserves to sing.

I have followed the career of this man for quite sometime on the Internet. I am a Croatian American who is also a musician as well. I can't say I enjoy the style of music but the accusations are absurd! As for the "WIESENTHAL CENTER"....who really cares? This organization along with many others at one point condemned the honoring of Cardinal Stepinanc....a move in which they have no business being involved. Nobody dare ever question the faith of Judaism or what they do within their religion because to do so would be anti-Semitic. Let's quit questioning rock stars and start asking "WIESENTHAL CENTER" what happened in Jenin (Palestine). How come the U.N. was not allowed to enter for over a week? What about the recent war in Lebanon? Where's the truth there? I'm more concerned about the recent killings in these lands then what some musician has to say on stage!

The SWC should worry more about Israel not complying with UN resolutions all this years,with starting a nuclear race in region,with building a wall for separation (self defense and protection is a poor excuse,it's more of ethnic cleansing),bringing more settlers inn,daily torture and killings of Palestinians (innocent woman,children!!),flying and bombing neighboring states (preventing or starting ?!) etc..IF SWC is a human organization they have more to worry about then a singer from Croatia!

Thompson is awesome. All he sings about is our contry and how much he loves it! And we will definately all go to his concert and support our man THOMPSON! Zivio!

It is clear whats happening...Serbian and jewish propaganda. Im amazed at the AUDACITY these two nations have in critisizing a singer who is in no way a fascist or nazi. How about serbia, with their policy on Ethnic cleansing when that pig Milosevic was in power? How about the Israeli's killing and torturing innocent women and children in palestine on a daily basis? Do the jew's remember begina nd what HE did?I for one am DISGUSTED with the lies being said about croats and thompson. It sickens me how only one side is always heard, but the Croatian side is continually ignored. ZIVILA HRVATSKA!!! I am a PROUD Croat!

http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/tour.htm

by Jared Israel
Member, International Commission on Jasenovac
Editor, Emperor's Clothes

[Nov. 3, 2007]

=============================================

Croatian rock star Marko Perkovic 'Thompson' has just begun a US-Canadian tour, with two concerts in New York (Nov. 2 and 3), followed by concerts in Toronto (Nov. 4, reportedly cancelled), Cleveland (Nov. 9), Chicago (Nov. 10), Los Angeles (Nov. 11), Vancouver (Nov. 16), and San Francisco (Nov. 18.) Full details are in footnote [1].

Emperor's Clothes has proven that Thompson is a self-declared Ustasha - a Croatian clerical-fascist. [See http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/times1.htm#sing ]
(Clerical-fascist ideology indoctrinates with a mixture of Nazi-type racism and Catholic religious fanaticism.) The Ustasha movement murdered over a million people from 1941-1945. The overwhelming majority were Serbs (Slavs who are Orthodox Christian, i.e., non-Catholic), but they also killed most Jews and Roma ('Gypsies') in the greater Croatia that they ruled.

It is chilling that one can find videos on Youtube, such as the one below, in which people at Thompson's June 2007 concert in Zagreb, Croatia, are heard chanting "Ubij, Ubij, Ubij Serbina." It means "Kill, kill, kill a Serb."

[See video at http://tinyurl.com/yruy68
If you get a message that the video has been removed from Youtube, see footnote [2] for an alternative.]

This tour by Thompson's band, also called 'Thompson' (after the Thompson submachine gun), has produced justified outrage. It is an attempt to legitimize clerical-fascism. If Thompson - whose politics would logically lead to the murder of millions of North Americans, including African-Americans and other so-called 'non-whites,' Jews, people of Serbian descent and others of the Orthodox Christian faith, progressives, and anyone (teachers? trade unionists?) who dared to resist the clerical-fascists - if Thompson can carry out this tour successfully, it will be a victory for fascism.

==============================================

Harmful ideas in the anti-Thompson camp

==============================================

It is crucial that in opposing the tour, we explain the politics of clerical-fascism to the broadest possible audience. Those politics cannot survive scrutiny; in the end, they cannot survive without the use of terror.

Unfortunately, among those organizing opposition to the tour, there is much unclarity about the issues.

For example, in explaining why his group asked the management of a concert hall to cancel Thompson's Toronto appearance (with apparent success), Leo Adler, national affairs director of the Friends of Simon Wiesenthal Center for Holocaust Studies (FSWC), said "Thompson has been singing for years in Croatia" and:

"One of those songs - titled Jasanovic/Stara Gardinska [Correction; Jasenovac i Gradishka Stara. - J.I.], which Thompson sang live in Croatia in 2002 - venerated those two infamous concentration camps where at least 90,000 Serbs, Jews, Gypsies and anti-fascist Croatians were murdered by the Ustashe movement and its Nazi collaborators during World War II."

-- Canada News Wire, Oct. 23, 2007 [3]

[The analysis of the text of the "Jasenovac i Gradishka Stara" song is at http://tenc.net/croatia/times1.htm#reb

Proof that Thompson sang "Jasenovac i Gradishka Stara" is at
http://tenc.net/croatia/times1.htm#sing

About the Ustashe see Yad Vashem's "Encyclopedia of the Holocaust" at
http://tenc.net/croatia/encr.htm#II ]

The problem is, Mr. Adler has reduced the number of people the Ustashe murdered in the Jasenovac death camp complex by around 90% - one full order of magnitude - in complete contradiction to all non-Ustasha, Western estimates (such as in the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust - see http://tenc.net/croatia/encr.htm#III ) published prior to the onset of Western support for the Ustashe's return to power in Croatia in 1990. It is as if he had said that 'at least 600,000 Jews were murdered in Europe during the 1940s.'

History is a battleground of politics in the present. As Simon Wiesenthal told the Washington Post in 1993, regarding the attempt by Croatia's Ustasha-apologist leader, Franjo Tudjman, to cut the number of Jasenovac victims by one order of magnitude:

"The long-term danger is that he is building a way for a new Ustashe." [4]

We are in Wiesenthal's long-term, today.

I charge that clerical-fascism now controls Croatia; that it is spreading, sponsored by Germany, the U.S., and the leadership of the Catholic Church.

If I am wrong, then why, knowing what Thompson is - for example, knowing that, until 2002, when it became an embarrassment for Croatia's Western sponsors, this top rock star sang two songs celebrating the Holocaust [see http://tenc.net/croatia/times1.htm#sing ] in which he boasted that the Ustashe had returned and that he was one of them [see http://tenc.net/croatia/times1.htm#reb ] - knowing all this, why does Croatia's parliament-controlled TV continue to broadcast his concerts? [5]

Why have the US and Canadian governments granted him visas?

Why, when Thompson not only advocates fascist politics but presents himself as a super-militant Catholic, as indicated in the pictures below:

* * * * * *
[Pictures]

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/medaljon-l.gif ]
The Thompson home page features images of the St. Benedict's medal, most devout of Catholic medallions, which Thompson wears at concerts,

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/crkva-s.jpg ]
and of a Catholic church that Thompson is raising money to build.

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/swordup245.jpg ]
At concerts, Marko Perkovic raises his trademark Catholic Crusader's sword above his head

[http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/plunge1.jpg ]
and plunges it into the stage floor, staring ahead sternly...

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/cross2.jpg ]
The Crusader's sword forms a military cruciform, symbol of religious war.

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/swordcross-a.jpg ]
Just to make sure people know that his trademark sword is a religious symbol, not some dungeons and dragons-type iconography,

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/swordcross-s.jpg ]
on album covers Thompson adorns it with a rosary and cross, colored red to remind Catholics of "our savior's blood."

Photo credits and links, see footnote [6]
* * * * * *

...why, given Thompson's public self-definition as singer-prophet of the church militant, has the Catholic hierarchy not condemned his clerical-fascism and prohibited Catholics from attending his concerts?

Why, instead, has the Croatian Catholic church sponsored him and championed him politically? [See http://tenc.net/croatia/times1.htm#what ]

Those organizing opposition to Thompson scrupulously avoid mentioning the role of the Catholic church. But the fact that the Catholic hierarchy promotes Thompson raises a basic question: to what extent is that hierarchy promoting clerical-fascist ideas among the vast Catholic population, worldwide?

Look at the boys in the photo below. One sports the Thompson sword-cross, the other the Ustasha 'U.'

* * * * * *
[Picture]

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/legija-s.jpg ]
In the Eastern Soviet Union, elsewhere in Eastern Europe, and in the Balkans, the Nazis' local, clerical-fascist junior partners, such as the Croatian SS 'Crna Legija,' or 'Black Legion,' were known for the pleasure they took in their work, massacring Jews, Orthodox Slavs, and 'Gypsies.' In the photo above, taken at the Thompson concert in the Maksimir stadium in Zagreb this past June, a boy of 12 or 13 wears a Ustasha 'Black Legion' SS T-shirt, complete with the Ustasha 'U.'

Photo credits and links, see footnote [6]
* * * * * *

Who is teaching these children?

In 1998, the Croatian news agency HINA quoted Croatian president Franjo Tudjman saying that Croatia is a place:

"in which the Catholic Church has a full opportunity to work in the spirit of its principles and to the benefit of the people within which it lives."

-- BBC Monitoring Europe, September 28, 1998 [7]

*"In the spirit of its principles and to the benefit of the people in which it lives."*

The late Mr. Tudjman was a clerical-fascist; therefore, clerical-fascism determined his notion of "benefit." However, regarding the specific question of the influence of the Catholic church, and not just in Croatia, he was speaking accurately.

Since the Catholic church aggressively champions Thompson in public [see http://tenc.net/croatia/times1.htm#what ], the question is: what are they teaching children in the former Socialist states, and elsewhere, in private?

==============================================

New York Times spreads Croatian Holocaust revisionism

==============================================

To return to the matter of Mr. Adler's erasure of 90% of the Jasenovac victims, perhaps he was misinformed. Perhaps by the New York Times.

In a widely-circulated Times article analyzing Thompson's huge June 17, 2007 concert in Zagreb's Maksimir stadium [see http://tinyurl.com/2nnvl5 ], Nicholas Wood wrote:

[Times article starts here]

ZAGREB, Croatia, June 30 -- On a hot Sunday evening in June, thousands of fans in a packed stadium here in the Croatian capital gave a Nazi salute as the rock star Marko Perkovic shouted a well-known slogan from World War II.

Some of the fans were wearing the black caps of Croatia's infamous Nazi puppet Ustashe government, which was responsible for sending tens of thousands of Serbs, Gypsies and Jews to their deaths in concentration camps."

-- New York Times, July 2, 2007 [8]

[As regards what Wood calls "a well-known slogan from World War II," see
http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/times1.htm#zadom ]

[Times article ends here]

There are two important falsehoods in the excerpt above. One has to do with the concert, the other with Croatian death camps.

First, regarding Thompson's Maksimir stadium concert, it isn't true that "thousands" of fans gave the Nazi salute. It was *tens of thousands*.

According to local news estimates, 50-60,000 people packed into the stadium. They were listening to music, but they were also expressing their clerical-fascist beliefs.
The pictures below were taken at that concert. (All credits are in footnote [6].) As the pictures show, some people expressed their clerical-fascism individually:

* * * * * *
[Pictures]

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/kidfront-a.jpg ]
In the photo above, taken at Thompson's June concert in the Maksimir stadium in Zagreb, the boy wears a t-shirt displaying Thompson's trademark Crusader's sword (also seen on the concert tour bus [ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/bussmall.jpg ]) and the Ustasha slogan "za dom spremni" ('for home, ready').

What's on the back of the shirt?

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/kidback-a.jpg ]
On the back of the shirt, the words 'Crna Legija,' or 'Black Legion,' the infamous Croatian SS military force that massacred hundreds of thousands of Serbs and other so-called "foreign elements," wiping out entire villages. In the song "Jasenovac i Gradishka Stara," which Thompson admitted singing from the early 1990s until 2002, he boasted that the 'Black Legion' had returned. The 'U' on the shirt stands for Hitler's beloved Ustasha. The checkerboard motif in the center is from the Ustasha flag; it was resurrected along with the Croatian Ustashe, who have been back in power since 1990.
* * * * * *

...and sometimes they expressed their clerical-fascism collectively:

* * * * * *
[Pictures]

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/flag-u.jpg ]
A Hitler salute and, on the upper right of the banner, a 'U' for 'Ustasha.' And everyone wears Thompson shirts.

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/2Ucaps.jpg ]
The women are wearing Ustasha caps.
* * * * * *

Perhaps the most chilling thing is how normal everything looks. These are not people on the fringe; they are the mainstream, with their fascist caps, fascist t-shirts and fascist slogans and salutes:

* * * * * *
[Picture]

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/manyhands.jpg ]
* * * * * *

...and they are organized. Including the children.

* * * * * *
[Picture]

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/practicing-small.jpg ]
* * * * * *

There is something familiar here. At first, you cannot place it, but then, watching the concert video below, it dawns on you: this has the look and feel of one of the Nazis' Nuremberg rallies, modern style:

[See video at http://tinyurl.com/yutgtw
If you get a message that the video has been removed from Youtube, see footnote [2] for an alternative.]

...and virtually everyone is involved:

* * * * * *
[Picture]

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/salute-crop.jpg ]
Above, a section of a Thompson concert photo. The full picture was too large for this page, but can be viewed at http://tinyurl.com/2jqj8v
* * * * * *

The people in the picture above are giving the Nazi salute in response to Thompson's chanting of what Mr. Wood called "a well-known slogan from World War II." The slogan, Za Dom Spremni ("For Home, Ready"), was the favorite of Croatia's clerical-fascist rulers. It meant: Ready to do anything to 'purify' Croatia from "foreign elements." Serbs, Roma and Jews.

* * * * * *
[Picture]

[ http://emperor.vwh.net/pix/trefoil3b.JPG ]
Za dom spremni - For Home, Ready!

The Order of the 'Iron Trefoil,' the military medal of Hitler's favorites, the Croatian Ustashe. 10-IV-1941 (April 10, 1941) was the day on which the Nazi forces invading Yugoslavia reached Zagreb and installed the Ustashe as the clerical-fascist rulers of greater Croatia. It is tragic but true that Croats have been indoctrinated to view this as a great victory by and for Croats.

Source: http://users.skynet.be/hendrik/eng/Cr-Trefoil.html
* * * * * *

Not having access to the pictures and videos above, most Times readers would have no way of knowing that Nicholas Wood minimized the number of people giving the Nazi salute, reporting that there were *thousands* when in fact there were *tens of thousands*.

Was he trying to soften the horror? One wouldn't think so; after all, he talks about "Croatia's infamous Nazi puppet Ustashe government," which makes him sound like an anti-fascist.

Because he does sound anti-fascist, and because he is writing in the respected New York Times, people would be unlikely to suspect that, in claiming the Ustashe were -

"responsible for sending *tens of thousands of Serbs, Gypsies and Jews* to their deaths in concentration camps" [9] (my emphasis - J.I.)

- Wood was erasing most of the victims.

How could readers know that, prior to Croatia's 1991 secession from Yugoslavia, the New York Times had reported that the Ustashe murdered *800,000 people* at the Jasenovac death camp?

This apart from the toll at other Croatian death camps, and the hundreds of thousands of people the Ustasha SS military force, the Crna Legija (Black Legion), massacred in their villages. See poster below:

* * * * * *
[Picture]

[ http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/ss008.jpg ]
A recruiting poster for the Croatian Ustasha SS force, known as the 'Black Legion.' Ustasha ideology was fanatically Catholic and targeted "foreign elements," but the Ustashe defined local Muslims as 'Croats,' and worked closely with Muslim extremists. This poster, aimed partly at Muslims, shows one soldier wearing a fez, the hat of fanatical Islam, and includes a minaret (part of a mosque) in the background.

Top line: "Croats of Herzeg-Bosna!" Underneath: the crooked double-S of the Nazi SS, plus a checkerboard, motif of the Ustasha flag, which was brought back when Croatia seceded from Yugoslavia in 1991 for the second time in 50 years. (The first time was on Apr. 10, 1941, the day German troops marched into Zagreb, Croatia.)

The caption reads: "Great leaders Adolf Hitler and poglavnik [fuehrer] Dr. Ante Pavelic call you to defend your homes. Join volunteer units of Croatian SS."

Source: Pro-Ustasha website, http://zadom.page.tl/Galerija-slika/pic-33.htm
* * * * * *

From "800,000" to "tens of thousands" of Holocaust victims. And this not in a recognized revisionist rag, but in the New York Times.

The Times routinely publishes corrections of errors. If the 800,000 figure had been an error, the editors would have published a correction, explaining the reason for the change.

They did not. They never presented any justification for their 90% cut. They simply erased the old figure and brought in the new, telling readers nothing, repeatedly publishing their 90% cut, from 1991 to the present.

An act of monumental duplicity? Yes.

But why did they do it?

The Times first published their new victim count in March of 1991, two months before Croatia launched its war of secession against Yugoslavia. I charge that in thus rewriting Yugoslav history, the leading newspaper of the US establishment was:

A) Signaling the Establishments in other countries that the U.S. was supporting the rebirth of clerical-fascist movements in the former socialist states;

B) Signaling other media worldwide to follow their lead in suppressing the important historical information that a) the Serbs had played a crucial role in the fight against fascism [see http://tenc.net/a/times410326-t.htm ] and b) the Serbs, along with Jews, Russians, and Roma/Sinti, had suffered the greatest losses from the Nazis and their allies (in the Serbs' case, the Croatian Ustashe) precisely in punishment for Serbian opposition to fascism. By keeping this historical perspective from ordinary people, the media could prevent them from becoming suspicious of propaganda that portrayed Croatian secessionists using Ustasha symbols and chanting fascist slogans, as victims of genocide; Serbs expressing quite legitimate fear of returned Ustasha power, as 'new Nazis'; and Yugoslavia, created to defend the Balkans against outside pressure (meaning, historically, Germany and the Vatican), as the cause of strife in that region.

By surreptitiously and massively revising what had happened in World War II, the Times was, in Simon Wiesenthal's words, "building a way for a new Ustashe."

I have made a most serious charge. Let me present the proof.

[ - continued in part 2 - ]

===================================

* Footnotes and Further Reading *

===================================

Because of space limitations posting here, footnotes are not included. They can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/tour.htm

Excerpts from
FROM FAIRY TALE TO HOLOCAUST

Ljubica Stefan
Zagreb, 1993

Serbia: Quisling Collaboration with the Occupier during the period of the Third Reich with reference to Genocide against the Jewish people

Contents
I. The Yids
II. Judenfrei
III. Philosemites

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

II Judenfrei
As nazism spread over Europe, the persecution and genocide of the Jews began in many European countries. So with the coming of the Nazi authorities in Serbia in April 1941 the occasion arose for certain circles to "finally settle" the problem of the Jews in their own milieu.

The German occupiers found collaboration across the board in Serbia:
"At the beginning of May 1941, the Germans gave the civil administration over to the so-called Council of the Commissariat for Serbia, at the head of which was Milan Acimovic. The tasks of the Commissariat were administrative and political, and economic. First of all it had to work towards the pacification of the country and the support of the system of military occupation. In effect the Commissariat was the executor of the orders of the occupier..."

After the Third Reich passed an order on August 28, 1941, abolishing the Commissariat, a civil government was formed "whose president was a general of the former Yugoslav army Milan Nedic... Nedic created armed units, the so-called Nedic army".

Apart from these units, there were also the so-called Voluntary Army of Dimitrij Ljotic and the chetniks of Kosta Pecanac and Draza Mihailovic. In 1976, documents relevant to the years 1941 - 1944 were published in Belgrade in an archival reviews under the title "The collaboration of D. Mihailovic's Chetniks with the enemy forces of occupation".

The original documents were collected by the Serbian scholars Dr Jovan Marjanovic and his collaborator Mihail Stanisic. The explanation in the forward runs:
"The chetniks of Draza Mihailovic were represented as fighters against the occupier, while in fact they were the allies of the Nazi fascists in Yugoslavia... This collection covers documents from the war years of 1941-44. Documents from 1945 have not been included here because by that time the Chetnik units of D. Mihailovic had become wholly incorporated in the German front in Yugoslavia... The documents in this collection indicate clearly and unequivocally that the Chetniks collaborated with the occupiers, both in the military and political sphere, as well as in the domain of economic activity, intelligence and propaganda..." The chetniks of Draza Mihailovic mainly "looked after" the "solving" of the problem of the communists.

The "solving" of the "problem" of the Jews began as quickly as a week after the German army catered Belgrade, with the whole- hearted support of the Serbian government.

Within the Gestapo structures in Belgrade a commission for Jewish questions was set up, in which the city administration as it then was had its representative. With the help of the Belgrade city administration the occupier formed the so-called Hebrew police, which in fact represented one section of the city of Belgrade administration."

"The chief of the Hebrew police was Otto Winzet, once employed in the Philips concern. Of Serbs there were Jovan (Joca) Nikolic, the commissar, then Nikola Nikolic, Ivan Bozicevic, Martinovic, Ljubinkovic and Djordjevic also known as Ceka..."

In the "Schedule of rules of the military commander in Serbia no. 7-8, May 31, 1941" are the "Orders relating to Jews and Gypsies", among which, among other things, state:

1. Jews
(...) Paragraph 2. Jews must report two week to ... the Serbian police registration authorities.
Paragraph 3. Jews ... must wear a yellow band on their left arm with the word "Jew" written on it.
(...) Paragraph 4. Jews may not be public servants. Their removal from all institutions must be immediately performed by the Serbian authorities.
Paragraph 5. Jews cannot be allowed to practice the professions of lawyer, physician, dentist, veterinarian and chemist.
(...) Paragraph 7. Jews are forbidden to visit theatres and cinemas.

2. Gypsies
Paragraph 18. Gypsies are considered equivalent to Jews.

Even earlier, in the "Community news" (Opstinske novine) it had been proclaimed that "jews are forbidden to appear henceforth without a yellow band".

3. The duties of the Serbian authorities
Paragraph 21. The Serbian authorities are responsible for the carrying out of the commands contained in this Order.

4. Penal Measures
Paragraph 22. Whoever resists... shall be punished with imprisonment and a monetary fine. In aggravated cases the punishment will be penal sentence or death. Belgrade, May 30, 1941. (Printed commands of the Military Commander in Serbia, No. 7-8, May 31)

Soon, thanks to various Commands, the Jews were completely deprived of their rights. They were not allowed to be editors in newspapers, academic auditors, they could not run a theatre, or a lawyer's office, a dentist's surgery, do the work of a physician, a veterinary surgeon, be the owners of educational institutions or work in them. The musicians' federation informed the Jews that their work in music was against the present rules. Jews could not be telephone subscribers or even use someone else's phone.

The following "Command" was also issued:
"All Jews resident in Belgrade must within five days give up their radios, refrigerators and electric cooling devices. The relinquishment of radios and refrigerators will take place in the building of the elementary school in Becanska street No. 8, and in this order ...
Those Jews who do not behave according to this command will be punished most severely.
President of the commune and director of the city of Belgrade Drag. Jovanovic (Agencija Rudnik)".

Sensing what it was that was ultimately awaiting them, individual Jews fled from the larger towns. Because of the flight of Jews in 1941, the quisling government issued a number of orders that again called upon the Jews to register with the authorities. One woman who survived bears witness as follows: "On the seventh of December (1941 - author) all Jews got papers delivered by Nedic's gendarmes ordering them to report the following day to the Hebrew police... It said in the paper that we should take three days' food, and as for clothing, fresh linen, and bedding, only as much as we could carry ourselves."

"All Jews are called upon to present themselves on December 12, 1941, at 8 in the morning in the courtyard of the Special Police for Jews in George Washington St. 21. Everyone may bring with him as much baggage and bedding as he can carry by himself. Apartments must be left locked up. Apartment keys must be fastened to a piece of card with the address of the apartment and the name and brought along. Whoever does not come will be most severely punished."

From all these assembly points, the Jews were led away escorted by Serbian police and German guards to concentration camps, where they were brutally put to death.

"Thus on December 8, 1941, he went to the assembly place at the building of the (Serbian - author) police for Jews in George Washington St. and ... (the number of the building varies in the witnesses' accounts, with 21 sometimes being mentioned and sometimes 23). At the assembly place there were many cars with families, and they were all taken off across the Sava to the "Sajmiste" (Fairground)."

Not even the Jewish hospital in Belgrade was spared. "The hospital was under constant supervision and was guarded by German soldiers and Ljotic's soldiers."

"The Jewish hospital at 2 Visoki Stevan St. had been founded in June or July 1941 by order of the Jewish police, which wished to stop Jews going to other hospitals. All the equipment in the hospital, down to the instruments and medicines, had been provided by the Jews themselves."

"On March 19, 1942 began the liquidation of Jews from the hospital. At the same time all the members of the families of the physicians and nurses were arrested. On March 27 all the physicians were led away."

And at the same time that members of the Jewish community in Serbia were being persecuted and murdered by the means of legislative orders signed by the president of the government of "national salvation" Milan Nedic, the minister of Internal Affairs Milan Acimovic and the head of the Belgrade police Dragi Jovanovic, on January 12, 1942, a "Regulation for the protection of animals" was announced. It had been signed by the entire Serbian government, by Prime Minister Nedic, and all ten ministers.

The Regulation states, among other things:
"An animal is mistreated by someone who causes it pain; this mistreatment is brutal if it arises from heartlessness which callously pays no attention to the pain inflicted on the animal. It is irrelevant whether the pains are inflicted deliberately or by mere negligence, for example by depriving it of food or housing it inadequately."

Meanwhile the mistreatment of human beings had become institutionalized, and deprivation of food and the heartless infliction of pain, and extermination. Those Jews who managed to flee and hide were searched for and arrested, and for every arrest a monetary reward could be obtained.
"During 1942 and until September 1944, Jews were brought to the camp at Banjica. After the capitulation of Yugoslavia they had gone and hidden in villages in Serbia, but they had been caught by Nedic's soldiers, and Ljotic's and the chetniks, and been given to the Germans, because they got a money payment for every Jews arrested. According to incomplete figures, about 455 were brought in during that period. They were killed immediately on arrival".

The so-called "Jewish question" in Serbia was astonishingly quickly settled. General Harald Turner boasted to General Loehr, the new C-in-C of the entire south east of Europe that: "Serbia (was) a country in which the question of the Jews and the question of the Gypsies was settled." (From Turner's notes for a personal report to General Loehr, August 29, 1942, Document NOKW-1846).

In a letter to the Gestapo of September 18, 1943, signed by Dragi Jovanovic, the Administration of the City of Belgrade boasted of the successes of the Serbian Special Police, which had been instrumental in arranging the disappearance of the Jews from the face of the Serbian earth:
"The administration of the city of Belgrade, with all its quarters and institutions, has for almost two and a half years impeccably performed its police service under the occupation, and with a great deal of elan and success, in a way not matched by any other police forces in the cities of occupied Europe".

Of all the places connected with the organized crime of genocide against the Jews, in which the Serbs too participated, the concentration camp Sajmiste (Fairground) by Belgrade occupied the number one position.

It was set up in December 1941, on the left bank of the Sava, in the region occupied today by New Belgrade, with the aim of the final mass destruction of the Jewish people. To this camp they brought women, children and men of all age groups from Belgrade, Sabac, Nis, Kragujevac, Smederevo, Pozarevac and other towns in Serbia.

From the figures available, historians have come to the conclusion that "over 11,000 Jews passed through the camp Sajmiste". Only a few survived. The camp was run by the German and Serbian authorities in Belgrade, as is confirmed by survivors of the camp, largely Serbs, for example Ilija Petrovic.
"... the concentration camps on Sajmiste in Belgrade, where I was imprisoned in 1941. The criminals were the same as at Banjica. There were the same masters - the Germans, Nedic's soldiers and the other Serbian fascists."

The conditions of life at Sajmiste were such that even the camp physician, the Gestapo lieutenant Dr Jung after one single tour of the camp requested a doubled ration of food. His plea was turned down. In 1942, the Germans who were in the command centre of the camp protested to the Serbian authorities about their not having sent the agreed quantity of food for the prisoners.

Dr Jasa Romano states: "After the camp administration had intervened, the Department (for social welfare and social institutions of the city authority in Belgrade - author) replied that provisions for the camp would be delivered only when all other necessities in Belgrade had been taken care of". There was great hunger, and the consequences were tragic:
... "Children died most of all, and older women..." "There were no chances of escaping from the camp, because it was surrounded by barbed wire on three sides and by the Sava on the fourth".

Concentration camps on Serbian territory were set up in Kragujevac, Sabac and Nis. At Bor Mine there was a work-camp.
"Concentration camps were set up exclusively on the territory of Serbia... The concentration camp Topovske supe was set up at the beginning of September, 1941... The Jews from Banat were brought to the camp from the previously mentioned assembly camps in Banat at the end of August, 1941... Beginning in the second half of September 1941, the Germans began to take away the inmates in groups to be shot... By the middle of October 1941, all the Jews of Banat, the men, who were in that camp, had been killed. After the liquidation of the Banat Jews, the Jews of Belgrade were brought to the camp, the men... At the beginning of December 1941 there were still about 300 Belgrade Jews left alive in the camp, and they were taken to the Sajmiste camp. After their departure the camp was run down..."

"The 'Banjica' concentration camp... The first inmates were brought to the camp as soon as July 9, 1941, even before the official command was signed for it to be set up... Svetozar Vujkovic was appointed camp commander; he had been an infamous murderer in the pre-war period, specially entrusted with arresting communists and those who sympathized with them. He stayed in the job of camp commander until the camp was run down, that is until October, 1944. His assistant was Djordje Kosmajac, who was killed by members of the resistance on March 6, 1942. He was succeeded by Prvoslav Odavic, and he by Vidosav Jeftic, with Radomir Carapic last of all. The camp administration was under the control of the Gestapo... During the first period there was a double guard round the camp: one guard composed of members of the Gestapo, and another guard composed of members of the Serbian State Guard. Later, the camp was guarded only by the Serbian State Guard... From the preserved records of the inmates of the Banjica camp, it can be seen that a total of 29,697 persons passed through this camp (21,430 men and 2,267 women). However this number is not even approximately accurate, for a great number of prisoners were immediately led away to be shot, without being entered into the record book. This was mostly the case with the Jews. There is a record of only 300 of the Belgrade Jews, who were brought into the camp at the beginning of September, 1941... The camp in Banjica was the destination for not only the Jews of Belgrade, but also for Jews from other places in Serbia, including from Backa...

It is impossible to establish even approximately how many Jews perished in this camp, for as has been mentioned, they were not entered in the book of inmates. But it is certain that a very considerable number of male Jews from Belgrade and from other places in the Serbian interior suffered in this camp... The concentration camp at Sabac (the Jewish camp)... in July, 1941 the Ortskomandatur in Sabac that is, was ordered by the Belgrade Gestapo to set up a concentration camp for the Jews living in the area. In July 1941, Jewish refugees were first of all interned in the camp...

The shooting of Jews and Gypsies from the Sabac camp was carried out on October 12 and 13, 1941, in the village of Zasavica. Those shot were buried in a communal grave. At this time about 400 Jewish males from the Sabac camp were shot, while 449 Belgrade Jews were shot on October 9 and 11 in Belgrade. Before the shooting, all their valuables were taken from them, and after the shooting their gold teeth were pulled out...

After the shooting of the Jewish men, only women and children were left in the Sabac camp. On January 26, 1941, they were moved by train to Ruma, and then walked from Ruma to Zemun, or to the Sajmiste camp, in conditions of extreme cold... After arrival at Sajmiste they were quickly liquidated...

The "Red Cross" concentration camp... In the Gestapo concept the camp was intended for the internment of male Jews from Nis and its surroundings, to be hostages, then for members of the resistance and captured partisans... After the Jewish men had been shot, women and children were brought into the camp, but at the beginning of March, 1942, they were taken to the Sajmiste camp, where they were soon killed...

At the beginning of March, 1942, Jews from several smaller surrounding towns were brought to Nis. The men were immediately shot at Bubanj, and the women and children taken to the Sajmiste. The number of Jewish men is unknown, while there were about 70 women and children.

In July, 1942 Jews from Leskovac, Zajecar and Jagodina were brought to Nis. The men were immediately shot at Bubanj, and the women and children taken to the Sajmiste. In parallel with the physical destruction of the Jewish people, the Germans and the Serbian quisling government organized the theft of all Jewish property. So that the theft should be the more effective, an order was first of all proclaimed requiring the registration of all companies the owners of which were Jews:
"Jewish business companies which after April 5, 1941 were still Jewish must register with the competent district commands by June 15, 1941. That district command is competent in whose district private persons have their places of residence or juridical persons their headquarters".

Soon all Jews had to report their wealth to the authorities, which was announced by all the papers in Serbia:
"Registration of the wealth of Jews"
Registration of the wealth of Jews and their spouses is carried out, according to paragraph 11 of the Regulation that relates to Jews and Gypsies, in the City Authority-Legal Department (Cika Ljubina 20/II, every day from 8 to 12, and from 15 to 17 hrs".

Jewish property was to belong to a new owner by a decision of the Nedic government:
"Regulation concerning the belonging of Hebrew property to Serbia"
"On the basis of article 1 of the Order for changes in the existing regulations and the passing of new ones, Cabinet Number 1118 of September 16, 1939, the Cabinet has made an order by which the property of the Hebrews belongs to Serbia. This says:
Paragraph 1. The property of those Hebrews who were citizens of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia on April 15, 1941 and which lies inside Serbia belongs to Serbia without any compensation." Apart from this, the Jews, as allegedly mainly responsible for the war had to pay the German government "war damages" of 5,916,904 dinars. They also had to pay into the account of the Belgrade city administration 4,834,231 dinars, and to the Belgrade commune another 1,000,000 dinars. The chief role in the sale of Jewish real and other property was confided to the (Serbian) State Mortgage bank:
"The Germans entrusted the State Mortgage Bank with the handling of Jewish estates, and the whole value of their estates was made over to the Serbian state... All the money that it obtained by the sale of estates it credited to the account entitled "Administrative Headquarters of Jewish property-real estate".

Mr. V. Joze,
Thank you very much for deeply emotional testimony from vel respected Righteous Mrs. Ljubica Stefan.
Hope dies last!
Jos nas ima! Srdacno vas sve pozdravljam,
Bob

first of all it wasn't "Serbian Police" it was called Secret Police, it was made for extermination of nationalist and communist agents in occupied Serbia.

Implicating that Serbs murdered Jews is just simply idiotic, but when it's comming from a NDH simpathiser than its just a cheap try to blame someone else for their own crimes (The Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska; NDH) was a puppet state of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany during World War II).

Serbs shared the same grimm faith of their Jewish neighbours, something any Jew, born in pre-war Yugoslavia can testify.

people should listen to his music and get the translations befor they make stuipd assumptions.
I do not beleive that he was portraying neo-nazi in any of his music i do how ever beleive in his faith to God, family and his Homeland.

THOMPSON'S JANUARY 2004 BOAST/CONFESSION THAT HE SANG HOLOCAUST-CELEBRATING JASENOVAC SONG

As discussed in detail here:
http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/times1.htm#sing
in late 2003 and early 2004, the website index.hr exposed that Thompson had publicly and for many years (including at major concerts) sung two songs celebrating the Holocaust. One is about the Jasenovac death camp complex. It rejoices in this "slaughterhouse" (the song's word) run by Ustasha "butchers" (the song’s word). In it Thompson declares "I AM USTASHA" - i.e., a clerical fascist. That song is called "Jasenovac i Gradiška Stara" Its lyrics are posted in full with analysis here:
http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/times1.htm#reb

The other one expresses love for the leaders of the Croatian SS (as in Nazi SS) Black Legion. Its title translates, "Here Comes Dawn, Here Comes Day."

At first Thompson tried to evade the accusation, saying he couldn’t remember whether he had sung these songs (a ludicrous attempt at evasion, if I may say) but then, after index.hr posted links to Internet audio files of him singing these songs, he did an about face and posted on his website a letter mocking index.hr for telling everybody what was already well known - of course he had sung these songs. He wasn't ashamed of it. He was proud of it. The Serbs and commies made him do it. And so on.

Emperor’s Clothes www.tenc.net backed up his home page at that time. The backup is posted here.
http://tenc.net/croatia/thompson/perkconfess.htm

You can access the three (Serbo-Croatian) Index.hr exposes from here
http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/times1.htm#9

Emperor’s Clothes also has links to Croatian discussion lists and other Croatian sources that quoted his boast/confession, some quite favorably (i.e., cheering him on) in 2004.

Here is the beginning of his "dear friends" letter, translated into English:

[Translation of beginning of Thompson's statement starts here]

"Dear friends!

"First of all, I would like to emphasize to you that my official website is the only true source of information about me and my opinion and you can find this in articles edited by the administrator.

"We are witnesses of yet another insane campaign, which, because of their election defeat, hysterical Communists and their collaborators are starting against me.

"This time they have discovered warm water; They have 'discovered' that I've been singing songs like 'Here Comes Dawn...', 'Jasenovac...' and similar.

"I am not the author of these songs, but I have been singing them, which is well known to all of us, during a certain period everywhere in Croatian squares and in halls without hiding, therefore this makes their sensational discovery ridiculous to say the least.

[Translation of beginning of Thompson's statement starts here]

The text may be read in Serbo-Croatian here:
http://tinyurl.com/25t7c2

By experimenting with 'strings' from his letter, one can find substantial quotes from it on the Internet. For example, this from a Croatian news web site on Jan. 9, 2004, quoting the part of his letter where he says his singing of these two songs is no secret.

http://tinyurl.com/yskxtb

Case closed.

http://nbc4.com/news/14516979/detail.html

www.nbc4.com/news/14516979/detail.html

Get "Judgment" the video proving Bosnian Death camp photos were faked? another example of serbian propaganda at it's best

THIS CONCERT NEEDS TO BE CANCELED WE HAD ENOUGH OF PAIN AND SUFFERING IN CROATIA.… SO MANY SERBS DIED SOMEONE NEEDS TO DO SOMETHING ABOUT IT AND STOP THIS EVIL FROM PERFORMING!

I suggest that you think long and heard about:
- the 8000 Muslim men and boys that were 'slaughtered' like animals in Srebrenica, Bosnia by Serbian special forces
- the 283 patients who were all given a bullet in the head and buried in a mass grave at Ovcare, Croatia
- the thousands of Albanians killed in Kosovo before you try to ask someone for sympathy.
- the over 15000 women who were raped by Serbian soldiers in Bosnia....

Serbs are guilty of the worst atrocities in Europe since the Holocaust. If you need to see evil I suggest you look in your own backyard.

Where did you get those numbers?

1. in Srebrenica muslim sources say 7000, and since today 1600 bodies were found- only men and half decayed uniforms and army boots, so much about "inocent" civilians. And dont get me started on muslim crimes during '92 '93 '94 '95 against Serbian population sorounding Srebrenica city.
there is a Serb memorial site with 3200 graves near Bratunac, but serbian victimes are just not interesting enough-right?

2. those "patients" were soldiers, wounded in action, murdering POW's is a crime, and here i aggree. i hope that those responsible will be accused and punished.
But also dont forget ethnic cleansing of Serbs, in Vukovar, by Croatian Zbor Narodne Garde or ZNG (a paramilitary unit) made prior to JNA attack on Vukovar city. Night raides, people missing, lists of Serbs designated for elimination such as families of JNA officers, policemen, prominent serbs, doctors, lawyers etc

3. thousands of albanians, thousands of serbs, but to you some victims are more important than others.
did you all forget albanian crematorium in Klecka-

"Arrested members of terrorist organization that calls itself Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), Mr. Ljuan and Bekim Mazreku, from Malisevo, informed us that in broader region of Klecka, KLA holds some ethnic Serbs and Albanians as hostages. Mazrekus have also said that during the month of July, KLA executed 22 Serbs - including three women and two children. This according to the Ministry's report. The report also states: "During investigation we concluded that terrorist have murdered the kidnapped Serbs and then used chlorine and high temperature crematorium furnace to delete the traces of their heinous crime. The crime is evident from burned remnants of human bodies we have found"

this is just one of many sites of KLA crimes, but who cares, it's Serbs, they must be punished for being anti-nazi, for fighting Germany and their WW2 allies Croats, muslims and Albanians.

4. 15000 raped??!! sources? maybe "independent" Saudi reaserch or Al-Jazeera.

read this:

SECURITY COUNCIL
Distribution: GENERAL
A/47/813
S/24991
18 December 1992
ORIGINAL: English
Depositions of Serbian women given to the State Commission for War Crimes

Page #4 of the above document...

Extracts from the confession by [a Muslim] Alija Selimagic of the crimes committed in the villages around Bosanski Brod with a facsimile of the part containing his signature.

RAPINGS

Some three days thereafter I went with the same group of people to Sijekovac [Bosnia]. Before we set off, Enes Havic [a Muslim] and Becir Hodzic [also a Muslim] told us that we were going to abduct Serbian girls. We came to Sijekovac in a van and Havic's car. Once there, we started from the "Zidic" store and the bus station in direction of Derventa raiding houses. A number of girls, i.e. younger women, were raped in the houses in which they were found and, as far as I remember, 28 Serbian women were kidnapped and taken to Slavonski Brod [Croatia] in the van.

I was the first to break into a house with Enes Havic, Becir Hodzic and Sead Mujcin (Aga), where we found a man and a woman (both about 50 years old) and their 23-year-old daughter. First, we tied her father and mother and then began to rape their daughter. I was the first to rape her, assisted by Becir Hodzic and Enes Havic. After me, she was raped by the other three and we raped her mother too. Thereafter, I cut her mother's throat and Enes Havic did the same to her father.

We took the girl to the van. Becir Hodzic drove the girl off while we continued raiding other houses. When Hodzic came back and rejoined the group, he told us that the van was crowded and that the girls had been driven to Slavonski Brod. When the van came back again, my group abducted six or seven more girls who, too, were driven to Slavonski Brod. I do not know their names or the families they belong to. Where we found the girls' parents or relatives, we tied and left them in their homes. I do not know if and how many relatives of the abducted girls the people from other groups killed. When the action was completed, Becir Hodzic told us that the girls were taken to Slavonski Brod [Croatia] and placed in the brothels to cater for the needs of the Croatian army. I remember very well that in the end I, Hodzic, Havic and Mujcin kidnapped a girl for each of us and took them to Gornje Kolibe. We kidnapped a Serbian girl, M.M., who worked at a shop in Gornje Kolibe and three Moslem girls, Z.J., J.C. and E.C. We caught them in the street. We took them to Kolibe in the van driven by Enes Havic. I took Z.J. to my home, where I held her for three or four days. At first, she refused to have intercourse with me and I threatened to kill her, whereupon she consented. Thereafter, I let her go home at her request.

SECURITY COUNCIL
Distribution: GENERAL
A/47/813
S/24991
18 December 1992
ORIGINAL: English
Depositions of Serbian women given to the State Commission for War Crimes

Pages #5,6,7,8 and 9 of the above document...

Deposition made by J.I., a nurse from Brcko [Bosnia], of her own accord on 20 October 1992 at the Gynaecology-Obstetrics Clinic in Belgrade

On 12 January 1992, I was visiting my aunt in Germany, where I was spending the second half of my annual leave. I left Germany on 26 January. On 28 January we were stopped by [Croat] police on the highway, a few kilometres away from Sisak [Croatia]; they checked our passports and six of us, four girls and two men, all young, were forced to step out. The driver was told to drive on. He complained and he was beaten and maltreated and eventually had to leave without us.

We were taken to the police station somewhere near Sisak, where we were split into two groups. One was sent to Slavonska Pozega and the other to Slavonski Brod [all in Croatia]. I was assigned to the group which went to Slavonski Brod.

When we arrived there, it was clear to all of us that it was a camp, that all kinds of atrocities were inflicted upon prisoners, but we were completely powerless. It was no use saying anything or protesting, since things could only get worse for us. We were left alone for two days.

After successful operations on the front, they came to us for rest and pleasure. That day I met many women from Kninska Krajina who were imprisoned, mistreated, tortured and some of them even disfigured. Some among them were very beautiful women. Younger women were put aside. Later on, we realized that they made it their purpose to increase the birth rate of Croatian children.

A group of younger women like myself were used for their pleasure and sometimes were brutalized.

One day, a group of newly arrived women, including myself, had a nightmarish experience. Five or six men on top of me and I blacked out. I could not believe it was happening to me and I could not remember anything until daybreak. After that experience, we were mistreated, abused and invariably raped day in and day out.

Sometimes they let us be for two or three days. When this happened, we were given no water, no food, no nothing. If food was given to us at all, it was so poor that not even animals would eat it.

I will remember a very striking, and very distressing for me, incident which occurred in Slavonski Brod and which is occasionally the cause of my bad dreams when I see their ugly faces.

One night, they came after midnight. They were very angry since they had to withdraw. We were placed in a hangar storing petrol barrels. We took these barrels out as they were empty and had no use. So, we slept in them. Each of us was given only a thin blanket. I had nothing else on me except for the clothes they brought me in. All our belongings were taken away from us earlier.

That night they came to our hangar, they connected a few empty oil barrels and by taking one woman at a time, four of them molested her. My turn came. One tried to cut off my arm by axe. I still have a scar there, while the other was already inside me. A third one stabbed my leg and I fainted. They left me naked on these barrels all night. I was hungry, thirsty and terribly cold.

When they found out that many women were pregnant, myself included, they did not disturb us from time to time for the benefit of Croatian children. They had nothing against Serbian women bearing children by them, since fathers are Croats and therefore the children will be Croats too.

At that time, the oil refinery was on fire and we were also used as fire fighters. In this total chaos, I had been detained in Slavonski Brod since 28 January and was detained in the oil refinery till 22 April.

On the latter date, they transported us in trucks to the Sava river and therefrom to the other bank by boats. They moved us to the Odzak [Bosnia] detention centre guarded by the joint forces of two nations: Croats and Muslims.

They knew that there were many pregnant women among us, so they grouped us in a building which used to be, as I heard, a school. At times, they dragged us to other buildings and used us as a shield against the attacking Serbian military units, i.e. "Krajisnici".

Many of us pregnant women were left alone, since our pregnancy was advanced (four or five months).

I will now tell you what happened once.

After four or five hours of raping and torture in this school, they brought the imprisoned Serbs, young and old alike, ordering them to lick us after the obscene acts.

On last 16 July, the black legionaries or black shirts, whatever they called them, came asking us for any hidden money or gold as ransom which would save our lives. Until the very end we did not know what was going on and what made them act that way.

When I left Germany I had DM 800 on me. I hid DM 500 in the sole of my boot because of the customs and the rest of DM 300 were in my handbag, which was taken from me when I was arrested. They took all my belongings, so that during the whole period of my detention in the camp I was only in a blouse, a bodice, a denim jacket, a pair of blue jeans, one piece underwear, one pair of stockings and boots.

The DM 500 I sewed in my jeans, so I had money to buy out my life.
[NOTE: The person was abducted on the trip home from Germany. It was customary for Yugoslavs coming home from abroad to hide money from the Yugoslav customs].

We were taken out of the school one at a time. There was a man with a box sitting outside. Those who had nothing of value were lined up on one side and those who had some money on the other.

Those who had money actually bailed themselves out and we were later exchanged. We had no idea that life was worth that much money you had in your pocket, or a ring or DM 50 or any other amount you had on you at the moment.

In Odzak we were received by the Krajina corps. That night they let us have a good sleep. We were given food, drink and cigarettes. It was the first time after six months that I drank juice and milk. I was a non-smoker for four years, but I lit a cigarette then. I could not believe my eyes and ears that I was free, that my head was still on my shoulders.

We were then sent to the hospital in Bosanski Samac. Once there, I asked to be sent to my hometown of Brcko, where I arrived on 18 July.

The following month I was treated in the Brcko hospital and I asked the doctors to terminate my five-and-a-half-month pregnancy.

But the doctor in Brcko was not for termination of my pregnancy because of my poor health. I had lost 30 kilos [more than 60 pounds] in five months.

I heard nothing of my parents. I had a father, mother, a brother, sister-in-law and their children.

They all disappeared. I had no news of them. My friends from the "Srpska Biljenska Garda" tried to help me. They tried to trace the whereabouts of my parents, brother, sister-in-law and their children, but with no success. After a month's time, they helped me to visit my house, which was hit by three shells. I found some of my personal effects, which I packed into several bags. I also found out that my 74-year-old aunt was still alive and I called on her. I took over to her place my bare necessities. I also found some money at home and decided to visit my cousin in Belgrade.

She welcomed me and later left for Germany. So, I am presently alone in her apartment.

I went to see a doctor for advice on my health and pregnancy. Two doctors from Zemun [Serbia] recommended the Gynaecology-Obstetrics Clinic, where I was admitted in late August and early September. I previously contacted the Health Centre of Stari Grad Municipality, after which I was hospitalized here to see what could be done for me.

Thanks to Dr. Krstic, I am here today and thanks to all his fellow doctors I managed to find my peace of mind, if this is possible at all.

A baby girl was born and put up for adoption while I myself have to fight for my own life.

I found out that my parents are safe and sound and that they are somewhere around the town of Prijedor. My brother is on the front. So I have calmed down. But I still have no information about my sister-in-law and her children.

I will tell you about some other events.

In Slavonski Brod [Croatia] one man was called "Plavi", they all had nicknames and we had no idea what their real names were or where they came from.

His specialty was to burn down an eyebrow of a beautiful woman or to cut it out along its lines. He also liked to bite off a piece of ear or to gouge out an eye. He did all of these things together or at least one of them.

There was a woman who came to Slavonski Brod camp in the seventh month of her pregnancy. They tore out her belly and took a live baby out of her womb.

Once, I don't know the reason why, something was stolen or someone was falsely accused, one soldier crushed the skull of a 40-year-old Serb by a rifle butt.

In Odzak, two Muslims circumcised all men without exception according to the Muslim ritual.

Many women had their finger cut off for a ring or their ears for ear rings.

Once I saw the lower lip of a very beautiful girl from Kninska Krajina being shredded by a man called "Crni" who previously raped and molested the girl. He enjoyed it.

We seldom saw other imprisoned men. We did not meet them often, and when we did they had visible marks of strangulation by metal wire, knife cuts on their necks, heads; some were with no eyes, or a hand, etc.

One, like an executioner, enjoyed to cut off a leg to the knee by axe, and let the bleeding man die.

There was a warehouse in Odzak where Serbs were imprisoned for 10 days with no water or food and left to urinate and empty there. They were mistreated and tortured day and night. Each night the bodies of two or three victims were removed to cover up the crimes.

Sometimes, they poured petrol on a cloth fixed to a stick and burned the skin of a naked man or woman. The more the victim screamed, the more they enjoyed it.

And another example. An 11-year-old girl, who was daily abused, had to serve them as a waitress completely naked.

This is all I can tell about myself and what happened to me. I find it very difficult to even bring myself to talk about this.

Belgrade, 20 October 1992

Deposition made by J.I. (Signed)
Deposition taken by Milena Vasiljevic
Senior Stenographer at the Federal Assembly.

Remark: Gave birth to a baby girl who was put up for adoption.

It is sad that creators of biggest conc-camps in Europe afther Germans are accusing Serbs for genocide. In Serbia today you have 28 nationalities living, in peace, while Croatia today is almost minority-free.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/1184313.stm

Bosnian Serbs convicted of rape

Dragoljub Kunarac - 28 years in prison

Three Bosnian Serbs have been found guilty of rape and other crimes including torture and enslavement by the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague.

The three accused are not ordinary soldiers whose morals were merely loosened by the hardships of war

Judge Florence Mumba

The case, relating to offences against Muslim women in the Bosnian town of Foca, marks the first time that the tribunal has considered rape as a crime against humanity.

The crimes took place during the first months of the conflict in Bosnia- Hercegovina, after Serb forces had overrun the town and separated Muslim women and men into separate camps.

In the first verdict, Dragoljub Kunarac was found guilty on several counts of rape and torture and was sentenced to 28 years imprisonment.

'Glaring abuse'

"You abused and ravaged Muslim women because of their ethnicity, and from among their number you picked whoever you fancied," presiding Judge Florence Mumba told Kunarac.

The destruction of Foca, April 1992

She said he had shown the most glaring abuse of their dignity and human rights.

In the second verdict, Radomir Kovac was found guilty of rape and enslavement and given a 20 year sentence.

The third defendant, Zoran Vukovic, was found guilty of rape and torture and sentenced to 12 years in prison.

"The three accused are not ordinary soldiers whose morals were merely loosened by the hardships of war," Judge Mumba told the court.

"They thrived in the dark atmosphere of the dehumanisation of those believed to be enemies."

Heart of darkness

In 1992 and 1993, when the events occured, human rights groups named Foca, in the south-east of the country, as the heart of darkness, where the women and girls, some as young as 12, were kept at a school, a sports hall, a motel and private homes.

Vukovic: 12 years for rape and torture

The indictment said that they were subjected to a pattern of sexual assault by Bosnian Serb soldiers.

Judge Mumba supported that view: "Rape was used by members of the Bosnian Serb armed forces as an instrument of terror."

The defence had argued that there was no evidence to prove this. The accused, who listened in silence to translations of the verdicts through headphones, had denied the charges against them.

During the 11-month trial, Muslim women, identified only by numbers, testified behind screens against the three men.

'Not intrinsic' to war

Some broke down as they testified.

One who was 15-years-old when the atrocities were committed told the court, "I think that for the whole of my life, all my life, I will feel the pain that I felt then."

Some of the women allegedly suffered gynaecological damage or had to give birth after being raped at Foca.

Foca is now in the part of Bosnia-Hercegovina administered by Bosnian Serbs, and no Muslims have returned to live there.

In 1993, there were reports of rape from all sides in the Bosnian conflict.

A European commission estimated there had been 20,000 rape victims.

Four other men indicted for rape crimes at Foca are still at large.

The human rights group Amnesty International welcomed the verdict.

A spokesman told BBC News Online that the decision "challenges the widespread assumption that the torture of women is somehow an intrinsic part of war".

http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2005/06/959f25ba-49d5-4750-90b8-7af53250abf9.html

Thousands of Serbs were shocked by the 2 June television broadcast of a video proving that the Serbian paramilitary police unit called the Scorpions took part in the July 1995 massacre of about 8,000 mainly Muslim males at Srebrenica in neighboring Bosnia-Herzegovina. The reaction of official Serbia to the "smoking gun" of Serbian involvement in the killings has nonetheless been mixed.

The video showing members of the Scorpions abusing and killing six Bosnian Muslims at Srebrenica first came to public attention on 1 June, when it was screened in The Hague at the trial of former Serbian and Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. In reality, the video already had a long saga behind it. Natasa Kandic of the NGO Humanitarian Law Fund acquired it in December 2004 in a roundabout way with the help of former Scorpions living in Sid, where the group had been based.
The "Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung" on 19 June described how former Scorpions contacted her and the difficulties she and they encountered before she actually acquired the video. Even then she did not make its existence public but instead waited until her informants safely left Serbia with, as she put it, "a little bit of help" from unnamed sources.

On 23 May, she gave a copy of the video to the Serbian authorities, asking them to find and arrest the Scorpions shown on it. She let three days pass, during which the authorities apparently did nothing. Kandic then told the audience at a Belgrade podium discussion about the existence of the video, which she promptly made available to the various television stations in the capital. When the liberal broadcaster B92 showed the film on 2 June, the state-run RTS decided to follow suit.

The official reaction was swift, although none of Serbia's leaders apparently admitted that the authorities had a copy of the video as early as 23 May. The day after the broadcast, Rasim Ljajic, who chairs Serbia and Montenegro's National Council for Cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, said in Belgrade that several people were arrested after being identified in the tape. Legal charges were subsequently filed against 10 people, most of whom are in police custody.

"Serbia is deeply shocked," Serbian President Boris Tadic said of the video. "Those images are proof of a monstrous crime committed against persons of a different religion.... All those who committed war crimes must be held accountable; only in this way will we be able to have a future. We must not close our eyes to the cruelty that took place." He added that he is ready "to go to Srebrenica to pay tribute to innocent people of another nationality."

Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica said, "It is important for our public that we reacted immediately, and that based on this shocking and horrible footage several of those who were involved in this crime have been arrested and will be brought to justice." Most observers took particular note of Kostunica's remarks because he has a much more pronounced nationalist profile than Tadic.

In the following days, Tadic stressed his determination to go to Srebrenica for the 11 July commemoration marking the 10th anniversary of the killings despite protests from some families of the victims. Speaking in Bucharest, Romania, on 23 June, he said that "as the president of Serbia and Serbs, I want to pay our respects to the victims of the war crime that took place in Srebrenica." "This vicious circle in the Balkans has to be broken so that the Balkans can become part of Europe and not a European province," Tadic added.

The president noted that the massacre was carried out by some of his fellow Serbs but stressed that "the entire Serbian people cannot be made responsible for it" and that the individuals responsible must be brought to justice. But only a few days earlier, he declined to attend the opening of an exhibit on Srebrenica in Belgrade, at which some of the victims' family members were present.

The government of the joint state of Serbia and Montenegro, which is far less powerful than the governments of its respective constituent republics, issued a statement on 15 June condemning the massacre. The document said that "the Council of Ministers strongly condemns the war crimes committed against Bosnian prisoners of war and civilians in Srebrenica in 1995." The statement added that "those who committed those crimes and the ones who ordered and organized that massacre did not represent Serbia or Montenegro, but an undemocratic regime of terror and death, which was opposed by the majority of people in Serbia and Montenegro."

Hours before the government of Serbia and Montenegro issued its declaration, however, the Serbian parliament abandoned attempts to pass a resolution on war crimes because the political parties could not agree on a text. In particular, leaders of most parties rejected any version that mentioned Srebrenica without citing specific atrocities committed against Serbs. Milos Aligrudic of Kostunica's Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) said that "it would have been irresponsible...to fail to mention all crimes, because they are equally grave and heinous." He stressed that Serbs were the "greatest victim" of conflicts in former Yugoslavia throughout the 20th century. Many people in Washington and European capitals criticized the parliament for failing to come to grips with Serbia's past and explicitly condemn the massacre.

Then "The New York Times" reported from Belgrade on 24 June that "for the first time, [Serbian] government officials...confirmed that they had sought contact with the secret support network that has helped to keep [the Bosnian Serb commander at Srebrenica and war crimes indictee] General [Ratko] Mladic in hiding for at least eight years."

Serbian government spokesman Srdjan Djuric said that efforts are under way to contact members of Mladic's support network to convince him to surrender. "Considering how highly sensitive this is, the Serbian government does not announce results before they have happened. Any detail could jeopardize the whole process," Djuric added.

The support network reportedly consists of two parts, one of Bosnian Serbs and the other of members of the former Yugoslav intelligence community. U.S. Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns, who visited Belgrade recently, told the daily that he believes that the Serbian authorities "want to find [Mladic] for the first time in 10 years."

Reactions to the video also came from outside the government. In the video, a Serbian Orthodox priest is seen blessing the Scorpions and praying for their victory. More than one week after the broadcast, on 10 June, the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) issued a statement condemning the killing of the six Muslims. The statement was entitled "Our Lord, May It Never Happen Again" and referred to "the cold-blooded killing of unarmed, defenseless civilians." Many Muslims and Croats, and also some Serbs, have charged the SPC over the years with failing to criticize war crimes carried out by Serbs in the conflicts of the 1990s.

Some NGOs prepared for the anniversary in their own ways. Kandic's Humanitarian Law Fund and the local office of the Hague-based war crimes tribunal organized a conference on the massacre on 11 June in Belgrade. The gathering passed without incident and amid heavy police presence, although there had been fears of potential violence at the hands of organized soccer fans and nationalistic Belgrade University students. Kandic stressed that it is no longer possible for Serbs to deny what happened in Srebrenica, adding that the government and not the NGOs must take the lead in arresting Mladic. Most of those in attendance came from NGOs and the international community. Rifat Rastoder, who is the deputy speaker of Montenegro's parliament, and Serbian Agriculture Minister Ivana Dulic Markovic, who said that she came in a private capacity, were the only officials present.

On 23 June, a presentation took place at Belgrade's antinationalist Center for Cultural Decontamination for the book "Srebrenica: From Denial to Recognition." Activist Sonja Biserko, who heads Serbia's Helsinki Committee for Human Rights, said that the political elite's failure to face up to Serbia's role in the massacre has prompted the outside world to assign collective guilt to all Serbs. Historian Latinka Perovic called the massacre "more than a tragedy." She argued that the Srebrenica controversy has split Serbian society into one group that is arrogant and unaffected and a second group that is afraid that the evil could be repeated.

Thousands of Serbs were shocked by the 2 June television broadcast of a video proving that the Serbian paramilitary police unit called the Scorpions took part in the July 1995 massacre of about 8,000 mainly Muslim males at Srebrenica in neighboring Bosnia-Herzegovina. The reaction of official Serbia to the "smoking gun" of Serbian involvement in the killings has nonetheless been mixed.

The video showing members of the Scorpions abusing and killing six Bosnian Muslims at Srebrenica first came to public attention on 1 June, when it was screened in The Hague at the trial of former Serbian and Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. In reality, the video already had a long saga behind it. Natasa Kandic of the NGO Humanitarian Law Fund acquired it in December 2004 in a roundabout way with the help of former Scorpions living in Sid, where the group had been based.
The "Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung" on 19 June described how former Scorpions contacted her and the difficulties she and they encountered before she actually acquired the video. Even then she did not make its existence public but instead waited until her informants safely left Serbia with, as she put it, "a little bit of help" from unnamed sources.

On 23 May, she gave a copy of the video to the Serbian authorities, asking them to find and arrest the Scorpions shown on it. She let three days pass, during which the authorities apparently did nothing. Kandic then told the audience at a Belgrade podium discussion about the existence of the video, which she promptly made available to the various television stations in the capital. When the liberal broadcaster B92 showed the film on 2 June, the state-run RTS decided to follow suit.

The official reaction was swift, although none of Serbia's leaders apparently admitted that the authorities had a copy of the video as early as 23 May. The day after the broadcast, Rasim Ljajic, who chairs Serbia and Montenegro's National Council for Cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, said in Belgrade that several people were arrested after being identified in the tape. Legal charges were subsequently filed against 10 people, most of whom are in police custody.

"Serbia is deeply shocked," Serbian President Boris Tadic said of the video. "Those images are proof of a monstrous crime committed against persons of a different religion.... All those who committed war crimes must be held accountable; only in this way will we be able to have a future. We must not close our eyes to the cruelty that took place." He added that he is ready "to go to Srebrenica to pay tribute to innocent people of another nationality."

Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica said, "It is important for our public that we reacted immediately, and that based on this shocking and horrible footage several of those who were involved in this crime have been arrested and will be brought to justice." Most observers took particular note of Kostunica's remarks because he has a much more pronounced nationalist profile than Tadic.

In the following days, Tadic stressed his determination to go to Srebrenica for the 11 July commemoration marking the 10th anniversary of the killings despite protests from some families of the victims. Speaking in Bucharest, Romania, on 23 June, he said that "as the president of Serbia and Serbs, I want to pay our respects to the victims of the war crime that took place in Srebrenica." "This vicious circle in the Balkans has to be broken so that the Balkans can become part of Europe and not a European province," Tadic added.

The president noted that the massacre was carried out by some of his fellow Serbs but stressed that "the entire Serbian people cannot be made responsible for it" and that the individuals responsible must be brought to justice. But only a few days earlier, he declined to attend the opening of an exhibit on Srebrenica in Belgrade, at which some of the victims' family members were present.

The government of the joint state of Serbia and Montenegro, which is far less powerful than the governments of its respective constituent republics, issued a statement on 15 June condemning the massacre. The document said that "the Council of Ministers strongly condemns the war crimes committed against Bosnian prisoners of war and civilians in Srebrenica in 1995." The statement added that "those who committed those crimes and the ones who ordered and organized that massacre did not represent Serbia or Montenegro, but an undemocratic regime of terror and death, which was opposed by the majority of people in Serbia and Montenegro."

Hours before the government of Serbia and Montenegro issued its declaration, however, the Serbian parliament abandoned attempts to pass a resolution on war crimes because the political parties could not agree on a text. In particular, leaders of most parties rejected any version that mentioned Srebrenica without citing specific atrocities committed against Serbs. Milos Aligrudic of Kostunica's Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) said that "it would have been irresponsible...to fail to mention all crimes, because they are equally grave and heinous." He stressed that Serbs were the "greatest victim" of conflicts in former Yugoslavia throughout the 20th century. Many people in Washington and European capitals criticized the parliament for failing to come to grips with Serbia's past and explicitly condemn the massacre.

Then "The New York Times" reported from Belgrade on 24 June that "for the first time, [Serbian] government officials...confirmed that they had sought contact with the secret support network that has helped to keep [the Bosnian Serb commander at Srebrenica and war crimes indictee] General [Ratko] Mladic in hiding for at least eight years."

Serbian government spokesman Srdjan Djuric said that efforts are under way to contact members of Mladic's support network to convince him to surrender. "Considering how highly sensitive this is, the Serbian government does not announce results before they have happened. Any detail could jeopardize the whole process," Djuric added.

The support network reportedly consists of two parts, one of Bosnian Serbs and the other of members of the former Yugoslav intelligence community. U.S. Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns, who visited Belgrade recently, told the daily that he believes that the Serbian authorities "want to find [Mladic] for the first time in 10 years."

Reactions to the video also came from outside the government. In the video, a Serbian Orthodox priest is seen blessing the Scorpions and praying for their victory. More than one week after the broadcast, on 10 June, the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) issued a statement condemning the killing of the six Muslims. The statement was entitled "Our Lord, May It Never Happen Again" and referred to "the cold-blooded killing of unarmed, defenseless civilians." Many Muslims and Croats, and also some Serbs, have charged the SPC over the years with failing to criticize war crimes carried out by Serbs in the conflicts of the 1990s.

Some NGOs prepared for the anniversary in their own ways. Kandic's Humanitarian Law Fund and the local office of the Hague-based war crimes tribunal organized a conference on the massacre on 11 June in Belgrade. The gathering passed without incident and amid heavy police presence, although there had been fears of potential violence at the hands of organized soccer fans and nationalistic Belgrade University students. Kandic stressed that it is no longer possible for Serbs to deny what happened in Srebrenica, adding that the government and not the NGOs must take the lead in arresting Mladic. Most of those in attendance came from NGOs and the international community. Rifat Rastoder, who is the deputy speaker of Montenegro's parliament, and Serbian Agriculture Minister Ivana Dulic Markovic, who said that she came in a private capacity, were the only officials present.

On 23 June, a presentation took place at Belgrade's antinationalist Center for Cultural Decontamination for the book "Srebrenica: From Denial to Recognition." Activist Sonja Biserko, who heads Serbia's Helsinki Committee for Human Rights, said that the political elite's failure to face up to Serbia's role in the massacre has prompted the outside world to assign collective guilt to all Serbs. Historian Latinka Perovic called the massacre "more than a tragedy." She argued that the Srebrenica controversy has split Serbian society into one group that is arrogant and unaffected and a second group that is afraid that the evil could be repeated.

http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2005/06/959f25ba-49d5-4750-90b8-7af53250abf9.html

http://shr.aaas.org/kosovo/icty_report.pdf

Consistent with earlier analyses, the findings of this study show that killings and refugee flow occurred in distinct surges. Over time, the flow of refugees departing their homes originated from different regions of Kosovo, and the flow occurred in peak periods, separated by periods of much lower level flow. As Figure 2 shows, killing patterns over time track the refugee flow. Thus, the
patterns of both refugee flow and killings exhibit characteristics consistent with the existence of an external cause. The observation that the two processes move together strengthens this finding.
This study has also analyzed the patterns of these two series over time and by region. When the overall estimates are compared at the regional level, a
clear relationship remains between the patterns of refugee flow and killings. Thus, refugee ow and killings occurred in the same places at the same times, implying a common cause of both phenomena.
The analysis also shows that two of the hypotheses proposed to explain the patterns in killing and migration, KLA and NATO activity, are inconsistent with the observed patterns of refugee flow and killings. Both KLA and NATO activity occurred more frequently after the largest number of killings and highest levels of refugee flow than it did before the peaks. When controlling for the statistical
effect of KLA activity and NATO airstrikes, the patterns of killing and refugee flow over time are substantially unchanged.

The analysis is consistent with the hypothesis that Yugoslav authorities conducted a campaign of killings and expulsions. The Yugoslav government's Orthodox Easter ceasefire coincides exactly with a drastic reduction in killings and refugee movement, and this observation reinforces the agreement of the
analysis with this hypothesis. Each of these ndings is consistent with the narrative accounts of the situation in Kosovo during this time period, reported by numerous nongovernmental
organizations. The coherence of the phases, the close relationship between estimated
number of killings and refugee flow, and their occurrence across broad regions of Kosovo each support the claim that there was a coordinated cause of violence against ethnic Albanians during the period March-June 1999.

Let's see you are Serbian and you of all people are complaining
first you kill Croatians, then you move on to killing Bosnians and then to top it off you killing Albanians. Let's refresh our memories for a quick second. Vukovar......................................................Sarajevo.......................Srebrenica ................Shut your pie hole!!11

Despite a barrage of misguided negative attention, Croatians have banded together to support and enjoy the music of singer Marko Perkovic (better known as Thompson), on the initial dates of his North American tour. Crowds ranging in size from hundreds to thousands have come out to support the performer, whose brand of patriotic folk-rock has attracted the anger of ethnic and cultural groups who find his material to be of a fascist nature. Contrary to this opposition, Perkovic’s shows have proven to be a celebration of cultural heritage.

The trouble for Perkovic’s North American stint started in October, when the Simon Wiesenthal Center (SWC) issued a press release calling for the cancellation of the Vancouver date of Thompson’s North American tour on the grounds that his material was “a breach of Canadian values and possibly this country’s hate speech laws.” Two days later, a second press release urged the Archdiocese of New York to take similar action for his scheduled appearance at the Croatian Cultural Center in midtown Manhattan. Various local news organizations began covering the story, fanning the flames of controversy surrounding Perkovic’s music even though his lyrics are readily available for translation via his website, proving that Thompson’s accusers are severely misguided.

Concert organizer George Corluka and others provided translations of all of Thompson’s lyrics and concert footage, which was presented to the Archdiocese by Father Nikola Pasalic of the Croatian Catholic Church. According to spokesman Joseph Zwilling, the Archdiocese could not find any material promoting Nazism and allowed for the concert to go on as scheduled.

With the support of the Catholic Church and the Croatian Community, Corluka began addressing the accusations of the SWC and misguided reporting that unjustly painted Perkovic’s music into a hateful corner. While the local media continued portraying Perkovic as a neo-Nazi, spokesman Mark Weitzman of the SWC began to understand what draws Croatians to his music, stating that many of his songs "seem to have a positive message of patriotism and peace," Washington Post writer David Segal attended one of the NYC shows and reported no incidents of hate speech, fascism or nazi salutes, stating “the show Saturday night felt more like a family get-together than a flag-waving rally.”

The two concerts in NYC were met with minimal protest. Concert goers acted in a dignified fashion, ignoring the dozen or so protestors, consisting mostly of Serbians, standing outside of the Croatian Cultural Center and shouting slogans such as, “Bring back the spirit of Tito!” As the small crowd of detractors disappeared prior to the start of both performances, inside Thompson performed to a packed house of Croatians anxious to put the negativity of the last few weeks behind them and focus on what truly mattered: the music and the camaraderie that makes them proud of who they are. Neither of the concerts—nor of any of Thompson’s concerts—were riddled with the hate speech and Nazi salutes that opposing groups felt were commonplace at his performances.

The following Sunday, over 5000 people watched the band perform at an outdoor concert at the Queen of Peace Croatian Centre in Norval, Ontario. The location was announced that morning, after two separate club owners in the Toronto area cancelled the performances. And like the previous two New York performances, the Norval show went on without incident. In addition, there were no protestors.

Promoters in both New York City and Norval urge their fellow Croats in other cities to follow suit and not cave in to pressure. Instead of cowering to these unfounded accusations, we as a community must hold our heads high and show support during this attempted character assassination of a caring family man whose music speaks the gospel of peace and unity. Like Perkovic’s music, these events are a testament to the goodwill and devotion of the Croatian community. We hope the rest of the world can understand the message his music carries for us. Songs of God, Family, and Homeland are songs that anyone—not just Croatians—can appreciate.

Reply to Jared Israel
Member, International Commission on Jasenovac
Editor, Emperor’s Clothes [Nov. 3, 2007]

To keep you up to date:
Mr. Marko Perkovic - Thompson, had a very successful concert in Toronto on the 4th of November, 2007 in front of audience that numbered more than 6,000 music lovers. Concert was not cancelled, as per your information.

It was so wonderful to hear songs celebrating life, love for GOD, HOMELAND AND FAMILY. It is due to the fact that he sings about basic good, that the people flock to his concerts. You should try it too. It would be so good for you and yours.

Mr. Perkovic’s concerts are attended by thousands of people, at times 50,000. If you have found few individuals with some kind of Nazi insignia, you could count them on your fingers. Usually, they come, plant themselves in front of camera, stay few minutes and disappear. We ask ourselves who are they? What is their purpose? Perhaps so that the photos could be used to promote anti-Croatia hate propaganda. Taking into the account that where ever Mr. Perkovic sings, there are many other nationalities present, how do you know for the fact, that these few are Croatians?
Let me make few facts known:
Croatia was never Fascist, never Nazist, only occupied by the same. Croatia through her not so happy history, never attacked anyone. Croatia only defended, herself against her attackers.
Croatia was always the victim, never aggressor, BUT THE VICTIM with the difference: SILENTLY, cries for her dead, but does not allow to be victimized over and over again.
Croatia’s revenge is to carry on building, loving and living.

Check Croatian true history.
BLEIBURG, JAZOVKA, MACELJ, KRIZNI PUTEVI, etc.
How many Croatians perished during WW I. , WW II. and NOW in most recent years, 1990 -1995, when Serbia (3rd Europe strong army) attacked unarmed civilians of Croatia? You watched Croatia’s suffering at Serbia’s hand for 5. long years. Thousands dead, thousands injured, thousands missing. Entire country devastated.
Little by little Croatia suffered and after 5. years were able to form an army. The army that in 3. days recaptured Croatia’s stolen land and with only less than 100 casualties. Now with your blessing, you are using all possible means to exonerate Serbia and make Croatia once again a villain. The tool used is this kind of hate propaganda and the Haag, so called, court. This, so called court that is calling Croatian defenders to answer to fact that they were able to defend themselves. Haag is not interested in years up to 1995, it is not interested in all the suffering prior to 1995, they are only interested in these 3 days and this less than 100 casualties.
Justice denied, music denied, living denied. I simply do not know why? Perhaps, we are the mirrors to the World, and most people do not like what they see.

You mention the numbers of dead in Jasenovac, where and how did you obtain this information? Did you find out how many Croatians died and are buried there? Croatians that sacrificed their lives to save others.

It would be interesting if you would check the following:
- WHAT was Jewish population in Croatia prior to 2nd World War, during the War, After the War and now?
- HOW many Jewish officials were during 2nd World War and how many now, are in Croatian government ?
- HOW many synagogues were and still are in Croatia?
- NOW, do the same for Serbia. Serbia that boasted openly that they are “Judean rein” (clean of Jews) and the picture will be clear.
You will be able to see who is who, but most important you will see that the people or individuals, who are spreading hatred, are not your friends.
For your information:
‘Ustasa’ [verb: ustati] is the person that stood up to defend and it should never be equalized with the aggressor or Nazism or Fascism.
‘Cetnik’ comes from word, ‘ceta’, which is the military formation of the soldiers, ready to attack.
It is strange that you allow Cetniks, to erect monuments (Draza Mihailovic, documented war criminal) allow free hand at speeches, allow radio programs, etc. but to Croatians deny singing about love, love for God, love for Homeland and love for Family... ?

Do you remember Vukovar? Remember the Cetniks song: “Slobo, Slobo send us lettuce, we do not need meat, we will kill Croats!” (Slobo = Serbian Pres. Slobodan Milosevic). Remember the scene: Serbs dressed in black with the black flag, on the flag white scull, marching down the street, singing this evil song and in the middle of these men a poor old man walking with a cane and women with plastic bags in hands, being cleansed from their centuries old homes? You know how scary this must have been. It was scary to watch on television, and I can only imagine what it must have been for the poor people.
Do you remember the SICK taken from the Vukovar hospital? I can go on and on, but I will leave it up to you and your conscience to find the truth.

I wish you and yours would ponder a little, choose your friends carefully, but most of all do not use 2nd hand information, when you make such serious allegations. Check and recheck the information, before you voice your opinion.

About 2000 years ago, the same rhetoric crucified our beloved JESUS, and only because he was promoting GOOD WORD.
Look, HE still lives, the GOOD WORD still lives and no one will ever change that.

What is it, Mr. Perkovic or the love he promotes, that you wish to stop?
May God help you find your way to happier life than one you must be living at present.

Marija

From now until hell freezes over the bigots of the anti-Croatian element such as emperors clothes.... etc. will never cede the fact that any Croatian has been wronged nor will they cede the fact that Croatia is free and has earned that freedom. All one need do is look beyond the popular pap that has circulated for much of the period from 1948 until very recently. Specifically that pap created by leftists, communists and "Yugoslavists". Only now are things coming to light about the dark era that existed under one or Mrs Roosevelts darlings... Josip Broz Tito As they did with Stalin the Roosevelts claimed him to be a saint, a friend of the working man. Mrs Roosevelt on a visit to "Yugoslavia" said the refugees from the workers paradise were lieing about what was happening. Now we know, if we read beyond the popular "media", about such places as Katyn Forrest in Poland where Russia murdered several hundred Polish army officers...

http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Troy/1791/dead.html

and Bleiburg Austria where the Brits under Macmillan sent thousands of Croatians, Slovenes, Montenegrens and Serbs to a certain death when they decided to "repatriate" them to "Yugoslavia". And a few months ago, in Slovenia, some 15,000 or more bodies of mostly Croatians and Montengrens were uncovered... murdered by Mrs Roosevelt's friend.

Below is a text from
Count Nikolai Tolstoy
historian; research on inforced repatriation of Croats and other nationalities after the World War II
Court Close, Southmoore, nr Abingdon
Berkshire OX 13 5Hs ENGLAND

THE BLEIBURG MASSACRES

In 1945, the overwhelming majority of Croatian people returned to Yugoslavia from Austria were not killed at Bleiburg itself, but following their recrossing of the Drava. However, historically the involuntary repatriation of Croats in that year has long borne the name of the Austrian town where their Calvary began. I do not propose on this occasion to attempt any detailed account of the fate of the unfortunate victims after they had been returned to Yugoslavia, nor to attempt any statistical estimate, since these are topics at present undergoing specialised research within Croatia.

I intend here to concentrate attention on one aspect of the greater event, which to this day remains a strange and sinister mystery: the decision of the British military authorities to hand the Croats over to be slaughtered has never received any satisfactory explanation. It is an enigma which I have been researching now for nearly twenty years, to which even now I am unable to provide a coherent account, which is consistent with currently available evidence and historically more satisfactory account contained in my book The Minister and the Massacres (1986), and the curious version of events which appears in the British Government’s authorised report, The Repatriations from Austria in 1945 (1990).

It is an exceptionally difficult history to explore, largely because of the unusual obstacles placed in the path of anyone attempting to investigate it. The English historian Herbert Butterfield once wrote:

‘There are two maxims for historians which so harmonise with what I know of history that I would like to claim them as my own, though they really belong to nineteenth-century historiography: first, that governments try to press upon the historian the key to all the drawers but one, and are anxious to spread the belief that this single one contains no secret of importance; secondly, that if the historian can only find the thing which the government does not want him to know, he will lay his hand upon something that is likely to be significant’.1

In my case the situation has been almost the other way round. The British Government permitted me to inspect a few carefully-selected drawers, while the remainder were kept firmly closed. Before attempting my own explanation, an important matter needs to be emphasised. That is the distinction which should be drawn between the tragedy of the Croats driven back to Tito at Bleiburg on 12 May 1945, and the subsequent fate of the smaller body of Croats who remained in Austria following the Bleiburg tragedy.

The events at Bleiburg are simply described. During the first fortnight of May 1945, as the war drew to a close in Yugoslavia, terrified people of all ethnic categories in Yugoslavia streamed across the Karavanken mountains and the River Drava in a desperate attempt to surrender to the British. What they sought above all was protection from the Communist Partisans. Fearful massacres were being perpetrated behind the Yugoslav lines, and there were few who did not anticipate a ghastly fate in the event of capture, regardless of their actions during the chaotic years of occupation and war.

Shortly after midnight on 13 May the British 5th Corps Headquarters in Austria estimated that ‘approximately 30,000 POWs, surrendered personnel, and refugees in Corps area. A further 60,000 reported moving north to Austria from Yugoslavia. I am taking all possible steps to prevent their movement along roads, but this will NOT completely prevent them as they are short of food and are being harassed. Should this number materialise food and guard situation will become critical’. The 60,000 referred to were Croatian Domobran and Ustache military formations, followed by a vast concourse of civilian refugees.

By 15 May, the head of the advancing Croatian column arrived in the meadows just south of Bleiburg in southern Carinthia. There the Headquarters of the British 38th Infantry Brigade had been established a few days earlier within the massive walls of Bleiburg Castle overlooking the town on the edge of the adjacent forest. The Croatian commander, General Herencic, together with his interpreter Danijel Crljen, drove up to the castle, where they attempted to negotiate a surrender on terms with the British Brigadier Patrick Scott. However they had no sooner made themselves known to Scott, than the Yugoslav General Milan Basta arrived on the scene and insisted on joining the talks. Basta and Scott swiftly decided that they would compel Herencic to surrender all Croats under his command to the Yugoslav forces. Scott made it bluntly clear to the General that he would not under any circumstances permit the Croatian exodus to advance further into British-occupied Austria, and that he would deploy all forces he could muster to assist Basta in compelling submission if required. Eventually, after passionate arguments on both sides, Herencic recognised this aggressive display of force majeur, and reluctantly accepted the surrender terms. General Basta assured Brigadier Scott that everyone returned to Yugoslavia would be treated humanely and decently, and that the Croats consequently had nothing to fear. Scott dutifully reported this pledge to his superiors: whether he believed it is another matter. Meanwhile in the fields to the south, lying just out of sight of the castle of Bleiburg, a vast mass of people was gathered in a state of terror and confusion. They comprised the vanguard of what was effectively a fleeing nation.

A terrible panic began, as Basta’s Partisans opened fire from the woods on both sides upon the largely defenceless crowd collected below in the valley. Many people were wounded and killed. How many died in the fields beside Bleiburg I have been unable as yet to establish with any precision. Over the years I have obtained many accounts by eyewitnesses of what occurred. In addition graves of the fallen have been identified, and it seems that subsequently bodies were removed by the Austrian Black Cross and interred elsewhere. My impression is that the number of fatalities at Bleiburg itself was not great by comparison with what was happening elsewhere at the time, and may not have amounted to more than a few score. This suggestion may be imperfectly understood by many of the large number of Croats and sympathisers of other nationalities who attend each year at the commemorative service on the site. However I believe that as historical awareness advances, it will be increasingly appreciated that the annual obsequies are observed in memory of all those Croatian victims who died at the hands of the British and their Communist allies during the dark days of 1945, and not just those who fell in the immediate vicinity.

The great majority of people herded back to the guns of the Partisans were massacred during ensuing weeks and months, after they had recrossed the Yugoslav frontier. Thereafter they were subjected to the infamous death marches, which still await exhaustive investigation. Fortunately, now that Croatia is once again an independent nation, historians are at long last enabled to examine the issue on a free and scientific basis.

I turn now from the grim but historically relatively straightforward succession of events at Bleiburg to the vexed and convoluted question of British responsibility for crimes against the Croatian people. The Supreme Allied Commander in the Mediterranean was Field-Marshal Sir Harold Alexander, whose authority extended to Southern Austria. His Headquarters had been established at the royal palace of Caserta, outside Naples. The chain of command passed down through 15 Army Group (General Mark Clark) at Florence, to the British 8 Army (General Sir Richard McCreery), whose headquarters was in north-east Italy near Udine. 8 Army comprised two corps: 13 Corps, which faced Tito’s forces in Trieste and along the Isonzo, and 5 Corps (Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Keightley), which as has been seen occupied Southern Austria across the Yugoslav frontier to the north. On 15 May Alexander reported to the Combined Chiefs of Staff: ‘Approximately 600,00 German and Croat Troops of Army Group E moving into Klagenfurt area’. For some twenty-four hours it was wrongly believed at Caserta that a huge body of Croats had actually surrendered to 5 Corps in Austria, and Allied Force Headquarters (AFHQ) was obliged to decide what should be done with them. This error appears to have arisen from a genuine misapprehension during successive transmissions of the report from Austria.

Clearly Alexander felt that this influx was more than the British occupying force in Austria, which consisted of a Corps comprising some 25,000 men, could be expected to look after. On 16 May he issued this instruction to Air Vice-Marshal Lee, his military emissary at Tito’s headquarters:

"Commander of Allied troops in Austria reports that approximately 200,000 Yugoslav Nationals who were serving in German armed forces have surrendered to him. We should like to turn over immediately to Marshal Tito’s forces and would be grateful if Marshal Tito would agree to instruct his commanders to accept them and to arrange with GOC Five Corps the rate at which they can be received, and handing-over point on Austrian frontier south of Klagenfurt for return to Yugoslavia".

A few days later Tito replied, thanking the Field-Marshal. By now however events had overtaken these exchanges, and the Croats were already within the Yugoslav dictator’s grasp. Hindsight and moral judgements should be employed by historians with caution. My own belief, for what it be worth, is that General Herencic committed a grave error when he agreed to surrender to Basta. He was fully aware of the inevitable fate of the thousands of unfortunate people for whom he was responsible. The alternative course would have been to advance further into Austria, provoking Partisan attacks on their flanks and British military resistance ahead. While the Domobran forces were surely capable of fending off the Titoist irregulars, British artillery, armour, and air power presented a formidable obstacle. However Scott himself conceded that the forces at his disposal were insufficient to obstruct the passage of the Croatian exodus for long. Scott’s decision to compel the Croatian withdrawal appears to have been reached unilaterally, and at this early phase of the British occupation I suggest that he had little choice but to react to events as best he could with the scanty forces at his disposal. Had Herencic ordered a peaceful advance and dispersal into the British zone, it is certain that British troops would have opened fire, inflicting casualties on the dense crowd of Croats whose likely extent is impossible to estimate. At the same time it may be questioned whether British troops would have continued for long shooting at a mass of panic-stricken and largely defenceless fugitives. Evidence of the likely British response is available in the contemporary logbook of Captain Nigel Nicolson, Intelligence Officer to 1 Guards Brigade. Early on the evening of 19 May, 3 Grenadier Guards reported: "10000 Croats just arrived at Ferlach. 3 GG told to tell all Titoist in the neighbourhood and are NOT to let the Croats over bridge whatever happens". However it was not long before the implications of this order registered with 6 Armoured Division Headquarters, which half an hour later issued this qualifying rider:

‘NOT to fire at Croats if they attempt to rush bridge. (If they have women and children)’.

Such were the circumstances of the Communist capture of the half-million or more Croats fleeing from slaughter at the hands of the Communists. I now move to a mysterious aspect of this tragedy, understanding of which has yet to be fully achieved. As has been seen, the Croats at Bleiburg did not surrender to the British, who cannot fairly bear more than tangential blame for the dreadful atrocities which ensued. Certainly there exists nothing in international law which requires a belligerent to accept the surrender of units demanding to be taken prisoner. The Croatian surrender at Bleiburg took place on 15 May 1945. As the War Diaries make clear, what daunted the Allied command was the enormous number of fleeing troops and refugees reported to be advancing into Carinthia, at a time when 5 Corps had barely established its presence in the region, and when relations with Tito were dangerously inflammatory. Prior to this, from 12 May onwards, numerous smaller bodies of Croatian soldiers and civilians had succeeded either in arranging a formal surrender to British forces, or in infiltrating undetected into their zone of occupation. Since it was clearly unnecessary to guard people who were desperate to remain in British custody, the fugitives were either directed to large camps improvised for their reception, or simply told to stay put where they found themselves. By 15 May 5 Corps reported to 8 Army that they held some 25,000 Croats.

Prior to the Bleiburg crisis, British forces had made no attempt to halt these lesser incursions, and accepted their surrender without recorded reservation. For the present the internees settled down as best they could in the British zone, safe (so they thought) from the clutches of Tito’s executioners. Marauding bands of Partisans who sought to open fire on the refugees in their camps were deterred by patrolling British guards. Explicitly on occasion, and implicitly throughout, the British command accepted that their 25,000 uninvited "guests" lay under the protection of international law. The British Government was responsible for the protection and humane treatment of prisoners-of-war under the terms of the 1929 Geneva Convention. 2 Initially 5 Corps Headquarters does not appear to have contemplated any other course. Had they chosen otherwise, the refugees’ arrival in the British zone of occupation could readily have been prevented, since across was confined to bridges across the Drava.

Such was the situation up to the middle of May. Yet from the 15th onwards 5 Corps policy towards the captive Croats changed drastically, from one in accord with the laws of war and dictates of humanity to one of ruthless co-operation with the greatest mass purge of the Yugoslav Communist regime. During the third week of May arrangements were made for all Croats in Corps custody to be transported into the hands of Tito, so that he might extend his genocidal policy to those Croats who believed themselves safe from return to Yugoslavia. Given the general awareness of Tito’s attitude towards the wartime state of Croatia, the notoriously brutal nature of his regime, and the atrocious behaviour of his troops within the British zone of Austria, there can be little doubt that those who arranged their repatriation nurtured no illusions about the fate to which their charges were being consigned.

As early as 13 may 1 Guards Brigade War Diary had reported : ‘Slovenes and Serbs mostly concentrated [in] Viktring cage. None of these can be repatriated except to almost certain death at hands of Tito’.

If that was the fate anticipated for the Serbs and Slovenes, how much worse was it likely to be for the Croats! The Partisans made little attempt to disguise their appetite for a bloody retribution. Until forcibly prevented by British troops, they repeatedly attempted to murder inmates of Viktring camp, south of Klagenfurt. On 25 May Captain Nicolson’s logbook recorded:

‘100 further Croats ... are already on the way to Yugoslavia by train - en route for the slaughter-house ... Information came from Tito officer who was in charge of loading of dump at Maria Elend’.

What was it that caused this dramatic and dishonourable change in policy? The pattern of events shows clearly that the decisive intervention occurred on 13 May, when Harold Macmillan unexpectedly arrived at Corps Headquarters. Macmillan was at the time Minister Resident in the Mediterranean, a post which was effectively that of political adviser to Field-Marshal Alexander. In this capacity he possessed authority to communicate directly with the Foreign Office and the Prime Minister. On 12 May Macmillan had arranged with Alexander to fly to 8 Army in north-east Italy, where he intended to consult with General McCreery over the Allies’ deeply worsening relations with Tito. As he reported to the Foreign Office on the eve of his departure, he intended to advise McCreery on the political situation, and receive in return a military assessment from those on the spot. Macmillan spent the evening of the 12th visiting McCreery and Lieutenant-General Harding, whose 13 Corps faced the Yugoslavs along the line of the Isonzo.

At this point there occurred a dramatic change to Macmillan’s schedule. Instead of flying back to Naples as originally intended, he unexpectedly flew north over the mountains into Austria. There he spent two hours in discussion with Keightley and his staff. What happened at their conference can only be inferred from the evidence, since Macmillan never disclosed the motive for his altered itinerary and the nature of the discussion at 5 Corps Headquarters.

In his diary, which was probably compiled the next day, Macmillan expatiated at some length on what was evidently one of the more important issues laid before him by Keightley:

‘To add to the confusion, thousands of so-called Ustashi or Chetniks, mostly with wives and children, are fleeing in panic into this area in front of the advancing Yugoslavs. These expressions, Ustashi and Chetnik, cover anything from guerrilla forces raised by the Germans from Slovenes and Croats and Serbs to fight Tito, and armed and maintained by the Germans - to people who, either because they are Roman Catholics or Conservative in politics, or for whatever cause are out of sympathy with revolutionary Communism and therefore labelled as Fascists or Nazis. (This is a very simple formula, which in a modified form is being tried, I observe, in English politics.).

Macmillan’s diary was compiled with a view to eventual publication, and is consequently not always as candid or complete as it might otherwise have been. The passage quoted invites some obvious questions, and cannot be naively taken au pied de la lettre, as it has been by Macmillan’s sycophantic biographer Horne and the authors of the Government-sponsored "Cowgill Report".

Plausible inferences may be drawn, categorised as follows:

1. It is clear that the whole of this information derived from General Keightley.

2. Given the brief time available for their meeting, and the pressing urgency which led Macmillan to alter his original travel plans so dramatically, the topic is unlikely to have represented mere small talk.

3. Though the passage recounting the visit to Klagenfurt is written in a style appropriate to a personal journal, it conveys the impression of reflecting the formal agenda which must have governed such a discussion. The topics appear to be listed in order of importance.

(I) The Yugoslavs had openly declared their intention of annexing Southern Carinthia, where their troops were behaving with increasing truculence.
(II) Among great numbers of surrendered enemy forces, 5 Corps held 40,000 surrendered Cossacks and White Russians, whose return was claimed by the Soviets. Marshal Tolbukhin’s army, which had halted within the bounds of the allotted British zone, was likewise known to hold a number of liberated British prisoners of war.
(III) Various categories of "Yugoslavs" had arrived in panic-stricken flight before the advance of Tito’s armies, as described in the passage above.

Macmillan concluded his account of the meeting by explaining: "We had a conference with the general and his [staff] officers covering much the same ground as those with Generals McCreery and Harding yesterday. He gave us his story and we gave him ours. I feel sure it was useful and helpful all round".

Thus, as might be expected, Keightley tabulated the major problems facing him in Austria, to which Macmillan responded with appropriate advice or directions. It is surely significant that each of the issues raised was governed by political factors, which Macmillan was pre-eminently qualified to address. Macmillan paraphrases the responses he provided for the first two issues.

(I) The Yugoslav aggression: "We have to look on, more or less hopelessly, since our present plan is not to use force and not to promote [provoke?] an incident".
(II) The Cossacks and White Russians: "We decided to hand them over ... I suggested that the Russians should at the same time give us any British or wounded who may be in his area".

However no indication appears in Macmillan’s diary as to what if any advice he proffered on problem (iii). This omission appears the more curious the closer it is considered. The first point to note is that, if we discount Macmillan’s characteristically florid language, his account implies that Keightley’s report on the Yugoslav refugees was explicit and detailed. It covers the whole language of anti-Communist Yugoslavs held at Viktring and elsewhere by 5 Corps at the time of Macmillan’s arrival:

1. ‘Chetnik’ Slovenian troops, being ‘guerrilla forces armed and maintained by the Germans ... to fight Tito’: i.e. Slovenian Domobranci.

2. Croatian forces, falsely categorised en blocas ‘so-called Ustashi’, in reality largely comprising ‘guerrilla forces armed and maintained by the Germans ... to fight Tito’: i.e. Croatian Domobrani

3. ‘Chetnik’ Serbs: i.e. anti-Tito Serbian formations acting under the authority of Generals Mihailovic or Nedic. The first three groupings were accompanied ‘mostly with wives and children’.

4. Roman Catholic and Conservative elements ‘out of sympathy with revolutionary Communism’: i.e. civilians from varied ethnic groups in Yugoslavia who had reason to fear a Communist take-over.

Macmillan’s listing is confirmed by the War Diary of 6 Armoured Division for the same day, which reported: ‘Position with regard to surrendered personnel in the Divisional area was now very roughly as follows:- ...

'Mercenary Tps.

(a) In battle Group Seeler 21,000 Slovenes, Serbs and [White]
Russians...
(b) Croats. Area Eisenkappel, military strength 7,000 plus 3,000
civilians’.

Macmillan’s account of his conference with Keightley remains the only full version available, since both of Keightley’s senior staff officers, Brigadiers Low (Aldington) and Tryon-Wilson, deny having been present. (The absence of the Corps Commander’s two senior staff officers on such an occasion is remarkable). 5 Corps must have presumably have recorded a summary for its own reference, but if so it has disappeared from the War Diary along with so much else that the British Government subsequently deemed compromising. Accordingly we are obliged to rely on Macmillan’s version, which at least has the advantage of being written at the time. However analysis reveals some curious anomalies.

Macmillan records the advice he gave in respect of the first two of Keightley’s points, but does not reveal his response to the question of the Yugoslav refugees. The omission is curious, in that so far as the Cossacks were concerned Keightley had already received precise instructions how to treat captured Russians, in the form of a carefully-worded directive issued by 8 Army on 13 March. In the case of the Yugoslavs, however, the position was unclear. On 3 May 8 Army had issued a ruling that "Chetnicks, troops of Mihailovitch, and other dissident Yugoslavs ... will be regarded as surrendered personnel and will be treated accordingly. The ultimate disposal of these personnel will be decided on Government levels". The context of the order, however, was the surrender of all German forces in Italy. Furthermore it contained no explicit allusion to Croats, thousands of whom had now surrendered to 5 Corps.

It seems inconceivable that Keightley did not seek Macmillan’s advice on this essentially political question, and that Macmillan did not provide him with some guidance. The picture becomes the more puzzling when Macmillan’s motive for unexpectedly flying to Klagenfurt is taken into account.

The authors of the "Cowgill Report" assert that Macmillan flew to meet Keightley in order to explain to him the need for extreme tact in dealing with the Yugoslavs, since three days earlier Keightley had requested permission from McCreery to be permitted to shoot at Yugoslavs who disobeyed British commanders.3 Though advanced as settled fact, this suggestion represents pure speculation, and is clearly designed to substantiate the Report’s thesis that Macmillan only encountered the refugee problem in Austria en passant, and played no material part in the decision to have them despatched to the Communists.

Had Macmillan thought it necessary to advise Keightley in person there can be little doubt that he would have planned to fly to Austria at the outset of his expedition. Moreover this does not explain why he subsequently concealed the decision to repatriate the Cossacks and Yugoslavs from the Foreign Office.

Recently a senior staff officer at 5 Corps Headquarters confirmed the accuracy of my suggestion that Keightley contacted Macmillan while he was with McCreery, and requested him to fly north and advise him how he should treat the Cossack. In a recorded interview held at the Imperial War Museum, Brigadier C.E. Tryon-Wilson recalled in 1990 that during the Italian campaign,

"I think when the history of that campaign is dealt with you will find that in many cases 5 Corps were in a position sometimes to go to Harold Macmillan, sometimes direct to Alex".

Going on to describe the problems facing 5 Corps in Austria, the Brigadier recalled a visit he made on 10 or 11 May to red Army Headquarters at Voitsberg.

"Now soon after we arrived in there [Austria] - and it was within a few days of General Keightley going up - I was asked to go up for two reasons, really: one was to have a look at the area through which we might have to operate; and secondly to make a contact with the other side. I didn’t at that particular time go up with any instructions, or intention to talk about the handing over of the Cossack. Because - again, I refer to the 78 Div ones - they were moved a long way, in the hopes that the Russians didn’t know too much about them, because they didn’t want them to be handed back. 46 Div, which was much closer, had quite a lot. General Keightley had prior to that (I think) - my journey - he had (I think, rightly) he had already had contact with General - with Harold Macmillan. And he’d told him what the problem was, and he had mentioned - or perhaps he’d mentioned that we had some White Russians. But we certainly at that particular stage, until the 15th I know (and it’s a thing which sticks in my mind) we really didn’t know the numbers or the names of anybody, because we had to tell the Divisions they had to feed the chaps out of the reserves that they’d got there. And Harold Macmillan had said: "Well, look, if you’re going to hand these chaps back, and you want to hand them back, the only thing I can do is tell you that you’ll get a better deal if you go directly to the top - not through an intermediate. And we suggest that you go straight to General Tolbukhin and sort the thing out".4 Brigadier Anthony Cowgill, Lord Brimelow, and Christopher Booker, The Repatriations from Austria in 1945: The Report of an Inquiry (London, 1990), pp. 4 The advice Tryon-Wilson ascribed to Macmillan appears a little confused, but its principal point is plain. Keightley requested Macmillan’s attendance specifically for the purpose of advising him on the policy he should pursue with regard to the Cossacks.

Furthermore this first-hand account confirms that prior to Macmillan’s visit 5 Corps had been anxious to protect the Cossacks from betrayal to the Soviets. Precisely what the Minister said to Keightley is not recorded, but the gist of it is indisputable. Ten days later Keightley informed 8 Army commander General McCreery: "As a result of verbal directive from Macmillan to Corps Comd at recent meeting we have undertaken to return all Soviet Nationals in Corps area to Soviet forces". Hitherto both Keightley and Macmillan had withheld all reference to this "verbal directive" from their colleagues, and the only reason that the 5 Corps Commander chose to reveal it was in the context of an attempt to reverse a newly-received order from Alexander forbidding him to use force to compel Cossacks to return "home".

At present I a, concerned with the fate of the Croats rather than that of the Cossacks. However there exists abundant reason to believe that the repatriation of both peoples represented the outcome of an identical policy decision. Before Macmillan’s arrival the evidence indicates that 5 Corps had neither the intention nor the desire to hand anyone over to be maltreated or killed. Thereafter a radical shift in policy occurred, which required extensive deception of the Allied command, to say nothing of the unfortunate prisoners. The 5 Corps war diary and other military records have been substantially doctored, a procedure which would scarcely have been necessary had all proceedings been above board. The "Cowgill Committee" was at pains to scout the idea of any conspiratorial activity on the part of Macmillan or Keightley, on general grounds of implausibility. However it is possible to provide a telling example of the ingenuity with which Macmillan succeeded in duping his "friend" Alexander. On this return to Naples on 14 May Macmillan succeeded in persuading Alexander’s Chief Administrative Officer, General Robertson, to issue an order requiring the handover of Cossacks and Yugoslavs to the Soviet and Yugoslav Communists. Macmillan’s diary is silent sent late that night by Alexander Kirk, Macmillan’s American counterpart as political adviser to Alexander, to the State Department in Washington. ‘This afternoon General Robertson, Chief Administrative Officer AFHQ requested us to concur in a draft telegram to CG British Eight Army authorising him to turn over 28,000 Cossacks (see our 797 of October 16, 1944, Midnight), including women and children to Marshal Tolbukhin, and further instructing him to turn over to Yugoslav Partisans a large number of dissident Yugoslav troops with exception of Chetniks. ‘General Robertson stated that Macmillan, who talked with CG Eight Army yesterday, had recommended this course of action. We asked whether the Russians had requested that these Cossacks be turned over to them, and Robertson replied in the negative and added "But they probably will soon". We also asked General Robertson what definition he proposed to give to "Chetnicks" and he was very vague on this point. We then stated we could not concur without referring the matter to our Government. CAO expressed disappointment that we did not seem to agree with him on this point but added that he was faced with a grave administrative problem with hundreds of thousands of German POW’s on his hands and could not bother at this time about who might or might not be turned over to the Russians and Partisans to be shot. He would have to send his telegram in spite of our non-concurrence.

‘Department’s views would be appreciated urgently’.

Given this conflict of opinion between the US and British Political Advisers, it is likely that Robertson would have reverted to Macmillan for confirmation of the course he now adopted. At 4.36 that afternoon (14th) Robertson despatched an order to 8 Army for onward transmission to Knightly, which required the prompt hangover of ‘Russians’ (i.e. the Cossacks), and concluded with this instruction: ‘All surrendered personnel of established Yugoslav nationality who were serving in German Forces should be disarmed and handed over to Yugoslav forces’. Copies were sent to Alexander’s Chief of Staff, General Morgan, who was on the point of departing on an extended mission to North Italy and Austria, and Macmillan. Significantly none was sent to Kirk, who would have observed that even the tentative saving clause regarding ‘Chetniks’ was dropped from the final version. The omission suggests that it was included in the draft in what proved to be the vain hope of gaining Kirk’s. Having decided to proceed without his approval, Macmillan and Robertson seized the opportunity of extending the order. It was this order which those responsible at 5 Corps employed as justification for the repatriation operations which continued throughout the second half of May. It is a strange but seemingly indisputable fact that Alexander remained wholly unaware of the existence of this order until 21 May. Precisely how it was kept from him is uncertain, but the events which followed establish the omission beyond reasonable doubt. From 16 May onwards he was engaged in elaborate discussions with Eisenhower, whose purpose was the evacuation of the Cossacks to SHAEF custody. At the same time it was his declared intention to transport the Yugoslav prisoners and refugees in Austria to camps in Italy. It was not until 21 May that General McCreery came to query the discrepancy between this policy and that prescribed in the ‘Robertson order’, in response to which Alexander issued fresh clarificatory orders. It would be absurd to suppose that the two Supreme Allied Commanders went to all this trouble in the full knowledge that a diametrically different policy was already being put into effect. Fortunately it is unnecessary to rely on inference and general grounds of plausibility, since evidence of extensive deception is further to be detected in the contemporary records. On 17 May Alexander issued this emotive appeal for direction to the Combined Chiefs of Staff: ‘To assist us in clearing congestion in Southern Austria we urgently require direction regarding final disposal following three classes:

(a) Approximately 50,000 Cossacks including 11,000 women, children and old men. These have been part of German armed forces and fighting against Allies.
(b) Chetniks whose numbers are constantly increasing. Present estimate of total 35,000 of which we have already evacuated 11,000 to Italy.
(c) German Croat troops total 25,000.

In each of above cases to return them to their country of origin immediately might be fatal to their health. Request decision as early as possible as to final disposal’.

The wording indicates plainly enough the extent of Alexander’s humanitarian concern for the helpless fugitives, and his objection to delivering them to their enemies. In the present context, however, the content of the signal is of secondary concern to the manner of its transmission. Though the format establishes that the message emanated from the Supreme Allied Commander in person, it was actually despatched from the office of his Chief Administrative Officer, General Robertson. This represented regular procedure, though in this instance it raises a significant query concerning Robertson’s role in the policy of forced repatriation.

Three days earlier, at Macmillan’s instigation, he had issued the infamous ‘Robertson order’ cited supra, which ordered 8 Army to hand over ‘all Russians’ to the Soviets and ‘all Yugoslavs serving in German forces’ to Tito.

When he received his copy of the Field-Marshal’s signal of 17 May, Robertson must have recognised that Alexander was unaware of the existence of the prior order, which conflicted with his concern for the prisoners’ welfare and made his appeal to Eisenhower superfluous. Why in that case did he not alert Alexander to the discrepancy? 5

It appears inescapable that Robertson deliberately withheld reference to his order of 14 May, whose callous provisions he well knew flouted the humanitarian intentions of the Field-Marshal. It may perhaps be questioned whether a such a deception was possible within the tightly-knit framework of a military headquarters. Alexander was notoriously a ‘hands off’ commander, who was inclined to leave much of the routine work to his capable subordinates. However this may be, fortunately there exists confirmatory evidence of the extent of the deception and indicates the skilful manner in which it was effected.

It will be recalled that late on 14 May Alexander Kirk, the American political adviser at AFHQ had reported to the State Department his dissent to Robertson’s proposal to hand over Yugoslav prisoners to Tito. The proposed move was in direct violation of agreed Allied policy, and on 16 May Assistant Secretary of State Grew instructed Kirk to lodge a formal protest with AFHQ on behalf of the US Government. The same day (17 May) that Alexander issued his appeal to the Combined Chiefs of Staff, Kirk’s deputy Carmel Offie registered formal objection with the Deputy Chief of Staff (General Lemnitzer), General Robertson, and Harold Macmillan:

‘I wish to refer to my non-concurrence in the telegram which the CAO despatched to MACMIS with regard to disposition of certain Yugoslav nationals who have surrendered to the Allies.

‘The Department of State has informed me urgently that in its opinion no distinction should be made between dissident Yugoslav troops and Chetniks and that the American position, with which the Foreign Office has agreed, with respect to dissident Yugoslav troops or anti-Partisans, has clearly been established.

‘You will recall that the British Ambassador in Belgrade proposed some two weeks ago that there were three alternatives available in connection with handling of these Yugoslavs:

(a) that they should be used as auxiliary troops;
(b) that they should be handed over to the Yugoslav Army; and
(c) that they should be disarmed and placed in refugee camps.

At that time the Department of State and the British Foreign Office agreed that alternative (c) was the only possible solution.

‘In summary, therefore, we believe that the troops in question who wish to surrender to American or British commanders in Northeast Italy should be disarmed and placed in base camps for investigation; that those wishing to return to Yugoslavia as individuals should be permitted to do so; and that all others should be removed to refugee camps and those against whom there is evidence of war crimes should be handled as such’. Alexander needed no persuading in this respect, and it was on the same day (17 May) that he issued an order providing for the evacuation of Chetnik and other ‘dissident’ Yugoslav prisoners in Austria to camps in the rear area of Northern Italy known as District One (‘Distone’). Next day a gratified Kirk reported back to the State Department: ‘S[upreme] A[llied] C[ommander] has informed Eight Army and ... Fifteenth Army Group that chetniks and dissident Yugoslavs infiltrations into areas occupied by allied troops should be treated as disarmed enemy troops and evacuated to BRIT concentration area. Total number believed about 35,000 AFHQ taking up question of final disposition’.

The order (known as ‘Distone’) to which Kirk referred required the evacuation of all surrendered Serbian, Slovene, and Montenegrin troops in Austria to camps in Italy, where thousands of their compatriots who had earlier surrendered in Italy were held. No reference was made in the order to the estimated 25,000 Croat troops held by 5 Corps in Austria, since the ruling had been issued in response to a specific enquiry from the 5 Corps Chief of Staff (Brigadier Low) regarding the disposition of ‘Jugoslav Royal Army? units. The Croats could not be quartered alongside their inveterate enemies, and so it was necessary to retain them for the time being in Austria. Any decision as to the ultimate fate of all these captured troops of Yugoslav nationality now rested with the Combined Chiefs of Staff, to whom Alexander had referred the question on 16 May.

So far as Kirk was concerned all appeared to be well. AFHQ policy was now in alignment with that agreed by the United States and Great Britain, and there appeared no longer to be any question of repatriating fugitives to be butchered by a vengeful Tito. More than two months were to pass before Kirk discovered that both he and Alexander had been victims of an elaborate deception practised by their own colleagues.

It was on 14 May that General Robertson showed Kirk the draft of the order approved by Macmillan, which provided for the handover of all Yugoslav prisoners held in Austria. Robertson had ignored Kirk’s protest, and shortly afterwards issued his notorious order FX 75383 providing for what he cynically anticipated would be the likely slaughter of Cossacks and Yugoslavs. However the text of the formal US protest of 17 May lodged at AFHQ reveals that by then Kirk’s office had come into possession of what they presumed to be a copy of Robertson’s order. Kirk’s deputy Carmel Offie referred to it as ‘The telegram which the CAO [Robertson] despatched to MACMIS with regard to disposition of certain Yugoslav nationals who have surrendered to the Allies’.

The reference betrays the manner in which the American Political Adviser was duped. ‘MACMIS’ was the abbreviation for the Maclean Mission to Tito, a section of which was based at Trieste to report on Yugoslav moves in the disputed frontier zone. In reality, however, the sole order sent to Macmis ‘with regard to disposition of certain Yugoslav nationals who have surrendered to the Allies’ was not Robertson’s order FX 75383 of 14 May, but Alexander’s signal FX 75902 of the 15th, which arranged for the return to Tito of the 200,000 Croats. Since the belief that the 200,000 had surrendered to the British was swiftly discovered to be mistaken, the second signal effectively became dead letter as soon as it was issued.

It was in this ingenious manner that Offie was gulled into believing that the signal effectively set aside Alexander’s order of 17th May was that which Robertson had Shawn Kirk on 14 May. On 18 May Kirk accordingly reported to the State Department that Alexander had issued orders superseding Robertson’s signal, which consequently no longer posed a threat to Yugoslav prisoners. All must now have appeared well both to Kirk and Alexander, who were however unaware that the real Robertson order had not been explicitly superseded. It was retained by 5 Corps, who were to use it as justification for their subsequent handover of tens of thousands of Yugoslav nationals. It was this Machiavellian procedure which enabled the Robertson order to remain dormant, awaiting reactivation when required.

The conspiracy involved a high degree of skilful duplicity, with the consequence that its unravelling is also a fairly complex process. A brief summary of successive events will however serve to clarify events.

13 May
Following Macmillan’s visit to 5 Corps, both he and Keightley omit all reference in their otherwise detailed reports to the presence of tens of thousands of Yugoslavs in the Corps area, and to their decision to deliver them to the Communists.

14 May
At Macmillan’s instigation Robertson issues his order for the Yugoslavs to be handed back to Tito. Kirk is carefully omitted from the circulation list.

16 May
Alexander’s Chief of Staff, General Morgan, visits 5 Corps. Reporting to Alexander, he explains that the presence of ‘25000 Croats [and] 25000 Slovenes’ is imposing a severe strain on 5 Corps resources. He clearly cannot have been informed by Keightley of the Robertson order, which provided a remedy for the problem.

Alexander accordingly requests directions from the Combined Chiefs of Staff for the disposal of Yugoslavs in Austria. Again, it is inconceivable that he would have done this had he been aware of the existence of the Robertson order, which already provided for them.

17 May
The US Political Adviser is misled into believing that the Roberson order has been superseded.

Aldington at 5 Corps issues the following order, extending the category of those required to be repatriated, and taking care not to transmit a copy to higher command:

‘all Yugoslav nationals at present in the Corps area will be handed over to Tito forces as soon as possible. These forces will be disarmed immediately but will NOT be told of their destination. Arrangements for the handover will be co-ordinated by HQ in conjunction with Yugoslav forces. Handover will last over a period owing to difficulties of Yugoslav acceptance. Fmns will be responsible for escorting personnel to a selected point notified by this HQ where they will be taken over by Tito forces’.

General McCreery instructs Keightley:
‘Pending outcome of present Governmental negotiations with Yugoslavs you will avoid entering into any agreements with Yugoslav Commanders’.

18 May
Aldington receives Alexander’s order of the previous day: ‘Chetniks and dissident Yugoslavs infiltrating into areas occupied by Allied troops should be treated as disarmed enemy troops and evacuated to British concentration area in Distone [Italy]. Total numbers including eleven thousand already in Distone believed about thirty five thousand’.

19 May
Despite the clear terms of the last two orders Aldington enters into a written agreement with Yugoslav Colonel Ivanovich, committing 5 Corps to hand over all Yugoslavs in the area specifically including ‘Chetniks and dissident Yugoslavs’, and relying on the Robertson order for his authority.

21 May
Alexander learns for the first time of the existence of the Robertson order in consequence of General McCreery’s enquiry as to whether is still expresses AFHQ policy.

It must be apparent by now who was masterminding this elaborate train of deception. Macmillan enjoyed a particularly close working relationship with Robertson. On 8 January 1945, for example, he noted in his diary: ‘I like doing business with General Robertson, for he is a very clever man’. It was probably on the morning of 14 May that he approached the General, explaining the problem (as he saw it) of the Russian and Yugoslav prisoners whose surrender has been accepted by 5 Corps. Between them they devised the order despatched that day to 5 Corps, which flouted Allied policy by requiring the handover of Yugoslav prisoners to Tito. This move was kept a closely-guarded secret from Alexander, whose ignorance is proved inter alia>by his elaborate arrangements in keeping with Allied policy.

It was Alexander’s ‘Distone order’ of 17 May that endangered the whole conspiracy, which depended on the Robertson order’s surviving unrepealed at 5 Corps. It can be seen why Lord Aldington was so concerned at the 1989 libel hearing to pretend that the ‘Distone’ order for some mysterious reason never reached his Headquarters (to which it was directed), and why his neighbour Judge Davies was at equal pains to withhold from the jury the evidence which proved the contrary.

It was on 15 may that Assistant Secretary of State Joseph Grew required Kirk to protest against the issuing of the ‘Robertson order’, and on 17 May that Kirk’s deputy office reported that he had registered his ‘non-concurrence in the telegram which the CAO despatched to MACMIS’. The likely date on which Offie was accordingly 16 May. On that day Macmillan spent some time with Offie, advising him on signals to be sent to the State Department, after which: ‘As part of regular routine, I had a conference with General Robertson on various Italian questions ...’

Historians have increasingly come to recognise the extent to which deviousness and duplicity ranked among Macmillan’s prevailing characteristics, along with a cynical contempt for humanity. He possessed both motive and opportunity for misleading the Americans, and the substitution of Alexander’s outdated signal FX 75902 of 15 May for Robertson’s FX 75383 of the 14th was precisely the sort of deception was the condemnation to almost certain death of some 50,000 people merely inflated the sense of power which Macmillan’s deeply-rooted sense of inferiority ceaselessly craved.

I have not space here to analyse the complex machinations which followed over the next week, which confirmed the fate of the unsuspecting Croatian prisoners-of-war. Suffice it to say that between 19 and 22 May thousands of Croats were transported to the hands of Tito’s executioners by means of further lying and deception.

It was not until August that Kirk came to learn of the deception which had been practised on him. On 14 August he reported bleakly to the State Department: ‘On receipt to your telegram 719, August 6 we addressed memorandum to Supreme Allied Commander in accordance with Department’s instructions. We have today been informed by Deputy Chief of Staff on behalf of Supreme Allied Commander that decision to turn over to Tito Yugoslav nationals under reference was made on grounds of military necessity in view of conditions existing at that time. It was stated that Supreme Allied Commander took note of our non-concurrence and pointed out that British Resident Minister had concurred in proposed action but that in any event Supreme Allied Commander took his decision because of conditions existing of which he was better aware than Dept. The communication from Deputy Chief of Staff added that in view of divergent political views expressed to him on subject, by Resident Minister and ourselves, Supreme Allied Commander suspended transfer of dissident troops as soon as emergency conditions ceased to exist. It was set forth that while Supreme Allied Commander of course seeks the advice of his political advisers on all occasions he must reserve unto himself right to decide matters of an urgent military nature as he sees fit. ‘In conversation with Alexander this morning he stated to us that he was obligated to receive surrender of almost 1,000,00 Germans in mid-May and could not deal with anti-Tito Yugoslavs as he would have liked. We stated we had nothing to add to our memorandum under reference except to point out to him again that Resident Minister acted contrary to policy agreed upon after consultation by Department and Foreign Office.

British apologists for mass murder gleefully seized upon this signal to ascribe responsibility to Alexander for the repatriation operations, and so to absolve the Conservative prime Minister Macmillan. Such an interpretation is not only diametrically at variance with the evidence, but is implicitly refuted by the very explanation reported by Kirk. Alexander’s explanation that ‘in view of divergent political views expressed to him on subject, by Resident Minister and ourselves, Supreme Allied Commander suspended transfer of dissident troops as soon as emergency conditions ceased to exist’ can only refer to the Bleiburg crisis on 15 May and the ‘Distone order? of 17 May, which required the evacuation of ‘dissident’ Chetniks to Italy.

It was characteristic of Alexander that he should accept blame for the misdeeds of his colleagues and subordinates. As one of his ablest generals recalled: ‘Anyhow you had a great feeling of trust in him [Alex] as you knew that he would back you whatever happened, and that if things went wrong, he would accept full responsibility for far more than his own share of the blame’.6

In any case Kirk must by this time have acquired a fairly full appreciation of what had occurred in reality, and he made it plain whom he believed to be ultimately responsible for the treachery and slaughter:

‘We stated we had nothing to add to our memorandum under reference except to point out to him again that Resident Minister acted contrary to policy agreed upon after consultation by Department and Foreign Office’.

THE STATUS OF SURRENDERED CROATS UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW
General Robertson’s order upon which Lord Aldington relies for justification of his part in arranging the repatriation of Croats and others in May 1945, read as follows: ‘All surrendered personnel of established Yugoslav nationality who were serving in German Forces should be disarmed and handed over to Yugoslav forces’. The accepted interpretation of the Geneva Convention is that uniform determines citizenship. If the Croats were regarded as part of the German armed forces, they should have been treated as such and held as prisoners-of-war of the power to which they surrendered, i.e. the British. In fact Aldington made no attempt to determine the citizenship or status of any of the Russian and Yugoslav prisoners in 5 Corps hands, and sent them to be killed indiscriminately. During the 1989 libel trial in London, Lord Aldington and his fellow Chief of Staff at 5 Corps in 1945, Brigadier Tryon-Wilson, defended the former’s classification of civilians accompanying surrendering Croat forces as ‘camp followers’. The claim was designed to legitimise the inclusion of civilians among Croats surrendered to Tito, who would not otherwise have been covered by the orders 5 Corps claimed to have fulfilled. Though this ploy served Aldington’s purpose at the time, in reality it served to aggravate the cynical violation of international law. Article 81 of the 1929 Geneva Convention provides that civilians engaged in this type of relationship with the military ‘have the right to treatment as prisoners-of-war’.7

FOOTNOTES

1 Herbert Butterfield, History and Human Relations (London, 1951), p. 186

2 Cf Appendix

3 Brigadier Anthony Cowgill, Lord Brimelow, and Christopher Booker, The Repatriations from Austria in 1945: The Report of an Inquiry (London, 1990), pp.

4 The authors of the "Cowgill Report" refer to my suggestion 'that Macmillan flew to Klegenfurt 'expressly' to discuss the problem of the Cossacks' as one of a succession of 'unfounded assumptions'. Since Brigadier Tryon-Wilson was himself a member of the 'Cowgill Committee', the authors must have been aware of the validity of my conjecture.

5 The 'Cowgill Committee' (of which Aldington was an unacknowledged member) was clearly embarrassed by this inconsistency, to which its authors provide this curious attempt at an answer: "We do not know how consciously he [Robertson] was seeking political cover for the order he had given in the heat of a grave emergency three days before' (The Repatriations from Austria in 1945, i. p. 75). To which it is sufficient to respond (i) that the text emanated from Alexander, and was merely transmitted by Robertson; (ii) by no possible interpretation can it be interpreted as 'seeking political cover' for an order to which it makes no reference, whose provisions were in direct conflict with those indicated in Alexander's signal.

6 Unpublished memoir of General Sir Oliver Leese.

7 Gustav Rasmussen (ed.), Code des prisonniers de Guerre: Commentaire de la convention du 27 juillet 1929 relative au traitement des prisonniers de guerre (Copenhagen, 1931), p. 130. This clause reflected a provision enshrined in Article 13 of the Hague Convention (ibid., pp. 26-27).

POST-WAR EXECUTION SITE 'Core' of Croatian Army Buried Near Maribor?

Slovenian historian Mitja Ferenc says that they must ascertain the number of victims and see if the core of the Croatian army lies there.

Ivona Barić
Hina
August 2007

A probe of a buried anti-tank trench near new Maribor cemetery Dobrava has confirmed the thesis offered by some historians, saying that this is the biggest post-war execution site in Europe and that the Croats who were singled out among those departing from Bleiburg may constitute the majority of the victims.

"[We] must ascertain how many people who were killed there are and whether the core of the Croatian army lies here," historian Mitja Ference told Maribor newspaper Vecer on Thursday. Ferenc is conducting test exhumation of the remains in a forest near the Dobrava cemetery in Tezno, a residential district in southern Maribor.

He is a member of the commission for hidden grave sites which has existed for eight years and documented 540 mass graves across Slovenia where executed members of enemy armies, runaway civilians and "class enemies" were thrown after World War II. The biggest among them is definitely the anti-tank trench built by Germans around Maribor toward the end of the war, in anticipation of a Red Army attack coming from Hungary.

The probe was funded by the present government of Prime Minister Janez Jansa. On Wednesday, the trench was probed in eight places. The work continues on Thursday, possibly on Friday.

There is a more than a metre thick layer underground that contains human remains, which was evident after the first eight probes, said Joze Dezman, the president of the government's commission for hidden grave sites. Dezman compares Slovenia in the months after the war in 1945 to the state of affairs in Cambodia 30 years later, with the Red Khmer sowing the fields of death under Pol Pot.

The last, eighth probe opened late in the afternoon on Wednesday showed that the gave site contains the remains of wounded and disabled people, probably soldiers. The initial probes along the edges of the Dobrava cemetery revealed horrrific images of skulls with preserved teeth, leather belts and remains of the wire used to tie the victims before they were shot, writes Vecer.

Members of the Slovenian commission conducting the probes claim that the biggest number of victims, possibly as many as 15,000, are Croats, members of the Croatian Home Guard (Domobrani), who were taken back to Yugoslavia after surrendering in the Bleiburg field.

As they say, there was a selection of some of the prisoners who were shot there and thrown in the anti-tank trench in Maribor, but also in several other places, into craters formed in the course of the bombing of Maribor and the neighbouring area.

Even though the probes have yet to confirm this, 80 percent of the victims buried around Maribor are expected to be Croats, even though Montenegrin chetniks who were fleeing to Austria were also singled out and some witnesses say that this is also where the Soviet Red Army killed the Cossacks who collaborated with Germans.

Vecer writes that Dezman and Ferenc see solving the problem of hidden grave sites as a moral imperative which Slovenia must resolve for its own sake.

"This is a problem that can also be posed in such a way that we ask ourselves whether Slovenia will become one of the normal states or not," claims Dezman, while Ferenc says that the present government ensured enough financial means for the probes of post-war executions, mostly committed by Yugoslav security and intelligence agencies OZNA and KNOJ, but there are still strong political obstacles coming both from the opposition left and right wing parties in power, that hinder the final resolution of the issue

Both men have also raised the issue of the agreement on the burial of the victims, which should primarily be agreed on with Croatia, but also with other states of the former Yugoslavia.

Dezman warns that Slovenia has made such agreements with Italy and Germany, so the procedure of dealing with the mortal remains of the members of the occupation forces from those countries is already set, while such an agreement with Croatia does not exist.

Slovenian historians say that there is not much enthusiam in Croatia for resolving the issue.

However, Bozo Vukusic, president of the association Honorary Bleiburg Guard, who witnessed the probes in Tezno, has made claims to the contrary, saying that Croatia is interested in such an agreement and thinks it would be best for the Croats' remains to be exhumed and placed in a mausoleum in Slovenia.

So Jared and you others prattle on... not many pay attention but some do take note of your hate mongering!

Bj

Mr. Robert Jerin,
Thank you for this very interesting and detailed article, which are not well known to the general public.
Deep respect for Count Nikolai Tolstoy, who is not well treated in Great Britain, because of the truth he knows.
Srdacno svim domoljubima,
Bob

TO being, I would like to thanks all the Croatian haters (Serbs and Jewish ppl) for making such a big stink about Marko Perkovic's concerts. It is them who have brought the Croatian people once agian in large numbers to fight against this negativity that has been brought onto us yet again.
All the concerts have been full houses. They would have been full without the false negativity these people have shown but because of it have been even more packed.
To the Jewish people, I strongly suggest you pick your friends very very carefully. When you least expect it, those friends that you have recently chosen will put a knife in your back and then and only then you will realize what a mistake you have made.
Thank you.
ZDS

Quote:
Show goes on for Croatian folk singer Marko Perkovic
Posted by Regina McEnery November 09, 2007 21:50PM
Categories: Breaking News
CHARDON -- A concert by Croatian folk singer Marko Perkovic drew lots of fans, tight security but no protesters Friday night.

Perkovic's songs have stirred up controversy among Jewish and Serbian groups for their ultra-nationalistic themes, which they say glorify the pro-Nazi Ustasha regime that ruled Croatia during World War II and persecuted Serbs, Jews and Gypsies.

Sen. George Voinovich, who is of half-Serbian and half-Slovenian descent, urged the cancellation of the concert, which was moved at the last minute from the Slovenian National Home in Cleveland to the Croatian Center in Chardon. The concert was sponsored by the Croatian Youth Club.

Perkovic has denied the allegations of bigotry on his Web site, stating that his songs are about "love, God and the homeland."
(end of quote)

* * * * *

Calling for Senator Voinovich’s resignation!
Your verbal persecution of innocent man Mr. Marko Perkovic has shown the Americans that you are not fit to hold such an important job. Your Hateful biased towards the people you are elected to represent warrants immediate dismissal.
I wonder how many other misrepresentations you have done, thus have jeopardized the security and well being of your constituents as well as your country you represent.

The Emperor's New Clothes (TENC) * www.tenc.net

http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/tour2.htm

=============================================

How Croatia's Apologists Minimized the Holocaust in Croatia
(Part 2 of 'Oppose Fascist Rock Star's US Tour with the Truth')

by Jared Israel
Member, International Commission on Jasenovac
Editor, Emperor's Clothes

[Nov. 6, 2007]

=============================================

[To read Part 1 go to http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/tour.htm ]

In Part 1 of this series, I charged that in 1991, the New York Times, blazing a trail for the rest of the Western media, completely revised its account of the Holocaust in Croatia.
[See http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/tour.htm#nyt ]

Before 1991, the Times reported that the Croatian Ustashe (clerical-fascists) murdered some 800,000 people, Serbs, Jews, and Roma, as well as antifascists of all backgrounds, in the Jasenovac death camp complex.

After 1991, the Times and other media reported that some "tens of thousands" (or sometimes 80,000, or 85,000) were killed. A 90% cut. Enough to make a Holocaust denier green with envy.

At the same time, the Times radically altered its perspective.

Before 1991, the murders were described as being caused by fascism. After 1991, they were described as being caused by fascism and 'ethnic enmity,' as if genocidal hatred of Serbs, Jews, and Roma was the fault of both sides - the Serbs, Jews and Roma, as well as those that hated them. This supposed 'ethnic enmity,' along with a supposed desire of Yugoslav Communist leaders to (as the Times put it) "demonize" fascism, was now presented as explaining a supposedly long-term dispute over the victim count.

Thus the Times not only drastically minimized the extent of Ustasha crimes, but it also lied about the numbers dispute. Lied because prior to 1991 it was the Times itself that had publicized the figure of 800,000 victims, which the Times itself was now denying.

I have made a most serious accusation. Here is the evidence.

=============================================

Before 1991: The Times reports 800,000 victims

=============================================

First, here are the relevant parts of New York Times articles that mentioned Jasenovac before 1991.

-- July 12, 1948: The Times referred to Jasenovac for the first time while describing Yugoslavia's arrest of some agents of the defeated Croatian Ustashe:

"A third [arrested Ustasha - J.I.] was Ljubo Milosh, described as commander of the *Ustashi concentration camp at Jasenica* [Jasenovac - J.I.], *where more than 800,000 persons perished during the war.*"

(My emphasis - J.I.) [10]

-- May 20, 1961: Covering the trial of Nazi criminal Adolf Eichmann, the Times reported the testimony of Alexander Arnon, described as "wartime secretary of the Jewish Community in Zagreb":

"Mr. Arnon said Croatian Fascists ran most of the concentration camps in Croatia and killed 'hundreds of thousands' of Serbian gentiles. *In Jasenovac alone, 600,000 persons, including 2,000 Jews, were killed, he said.*"

(My emphasis - J.I.) [11]

Mr. Arnon's reported use of the phrase "Jasenovac alone" makes sense because Jasenovac was the name of a complex of Croatian death camps and also of the biggest site in the complex. So, Arnon was indicating that significantly more than 600,000 people were murdered in Croatian death camps as a whole.

-- October 1, 1972: In an article on the Yugoslav government's response to terrorist attacks by Croatian Ustasha exiles, the Times again stated that 800,000 people were murdered in Jasenovac. This article is most helpful in understanding the Holocaust in Croatia, how it was dealt with in Communist Yugoslavia, and how the Times has, since 1991, misinformed readers.

Emperor's Clothes has transcribed the first six paragraphs and three later paragraphs from the article. Here are the first six:

[Excerpt from 1972 New York Times starts here]

"Amid the dismal swamplands at Jasenovac, a small town southeast of the Croatian city of Zagreb a graceful concrete monument suggestive of hands raised in an appeal for mercy looks out over grass-covered mounds that neatly conceal the remains of one of the death camps of World War II.

The Jasenovac camp was operated by the Ustashi, the Fascist movement that gained power in Croatia in 1941 through collaboration with German and Italian invaders of Yugoslavia.

*As many as 800,000 people - mainly Serbs, Jews and gypsies but also Croatian and other opponents of the Ustashi* - are believed to have been shot, hanged clubbed to death or drowned in the nearby Sava River during the war years before the Ustashi fled from advancing Yugoslav and Soviet troops.

The transformation of the Jasenovac death camp into a memorial park, with only a small museum to give visitors some insight into the camp's grim history, seems to symbolize an effort by the postwar Yugoslav authorities to let the wounds of wartime fratricide and atrocities heal for the sake of a united country.

Over the years, the Ustasha terrorism began to fade from memory. To avoid stirring up old resentments, *the Yugoslav authorities discouraged publication of explicit writings and photographs about the atrocities. Only a few weeks ago, a court ban was imposed on a book that dealt with the Jasenovac camp.*

*Although the Ustashi are in exile and their young recruits have carried out occasional acts of terrorism against Yugoslav diplomats and officials abroad, the Belgrade authorities have refrained from all-out counter-attack, for they are apprehensive of offending the four and a half million people of Croatia and reluctant to risk opening old wounds between the Serbs and Croats.*"

(My emphasis - J.I.) [12]

[Excerpt from 1972 New York Times ends here]

To summarize the key points:

a - The Ustashe murdered 800,000 at Jasenovac;

b - Yugoslav Communist leaders tried to suppress discussion of Jasenovac, "discourag[ing] publication of... photographs about the atrocities" and banning books;

c - Why the repression? The leaders feared discussion might "reopen old wounds"; also they feared a violent reaction from Croats, who were pro-Ustashe;

d - Even when the Ustashe, working from outside Yugoslavia, escalated their terrorist attacks, the Yugoslav government continued its policy of preventing a political counter-attack. For example, they continued banning books on Jasenovac.

The straw that broke the camel's back was when:

"three Croatian émigrés hijacked a Scandinavian Airlines System plan Sept 15 [1972 - J.I.] and forced Sweden to release six Croatians imprisoned for terrorist attacks on Yugoslav diplomats." [13]

In response, the Communists finally began publicly attacking the Ustashe.

What line did they take? The Times quotes the following from an editorial piece, written by a New York-based Yugoslav reporter and published in "Politika," the leading Yugoslav daily, criticizing U.S. coverage of the Ustasha terror:

"For American readers and listeners, there was not a word that the Ustashi were on the side of Hitler and Mussolini, that they formally declared war against the United States, that they murdered Jews - an acute issue here [i.e., in New York City - J.I.] - and that they are sworn enemies of the concept of Western democracy." [14]

Notice that in describing what the America media was leaving out, Politika left out the Serbian victims of genocide (and the Roma/Sinti victims as well).

This was quite an omission. To give you a sense of the scale of the genocide in fascist Croatia, here is an excerpt from a piece the New York Times published in Oct. 1941, five months after the invading Nazis installed the Ustashe clerical-fascists in power:

[Excerpt from "Massacres Laid to Croat[ian] Ustashi" starts here]

"The Croatian revolutionary Ustashi have killed between 300,000 and 340,000 Serbs and pro-Yugoslav Croats since last May [i.e., tens of thousands a month! - J.I.], according to figures compiled by intelligence experts from agents operating in Croatia and Bosnia and released to this correspondent here today.

While some of the executions have been carried out by German Elite Guard units, the Gestapo and regular German Army officers and by Italians in Western Croatia, the bulk of the killings have been done by the Ustashi, according to this report." [15]

[Excerpt from "Massacres Laid to Croat[ian] Ustashi" ends here]

300,000 to 340,000 Serbs (and pro-Yugoslav Croats) killed between May and October of 1941. 60,000 to 68,000 Serbs a month.

Here is a final excerpt from the 1972 Times article. It is most revealing:

"One result of the anti-Ustashi campaign here [in Yugoslavia - J.I.] since the hijacking is that *even schoolchildren in Belgrade, who had not heard of the Ustashi, are beginning to raise questions and are learning of the torments inflicted by Yugoslavs on Yugoslavs during the war.*"

(My emphasis - J.I.) [16]

So, while Belgrade school children were learning for the first time that the Ustashe had existed, it was only if and when they "[began] to raise questions" that they also learned what the Ustashe had done during the war.

The Communists were (finally) publicly attacking the Ustashe for supporting Nazi Germany, for opposing democracy, for killing Jews, and for current acts of terror - but not for their genocide against Serbs and Roma, hence the children's need to "raise questions."

Consider the effect of this policy of suppressing discussion, both on Croats and on the main surviving victim population, the Serbs.

Communist Yugoslavia declared that most Croats had opposed the Ustashe. But this was manifestly untrue. How could the Ustashe, a tiny group of exiles, have returned to Croatia in April, 1941, and immediately launched a campaign of mass murder against 'foreign elements,' meaning Serbs, Jews and Roma - how could they have done this in the face of opposition from both 'foreign elements' and most ethnic Croats? They needed massive support from Croats from the start, which in turn required that ordinary Croats were already indoctrinated in the basics of Ustasha ideology: hatred of 'foreign elements' and Catholic fanaticism.

Looked at in one way, the Communist-perpetrated myth of Croatian antifascism was of great practical use to Croatia, since it allowed Croats to hold onto the vast properties stolen from murdered Serbs, Jews and Roma, rather than losing it and paying restitution to boot. [17] It allowed the perhaps tens of thousand of Croats who had committed overt fascist-criminal acts, and the much larger number who had in various ways supported those acts, to escape unscathed. It allowed the Catholic church, "many" of whose priests had, as the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust states, directly participated in the killing, to mainly escape punishment.
[See http://tenc.net/croatia/encr.htm#many ]

Looked at in another way, this was a terrible abuse of Croatian children, who were therefore raised in a double-talk fascist society, whose pro-Ustasha sub-culture thrived beneath a veneer of Communist rhetoric. There were things you did not - could not - for now - say in public, but you were of course to believe them and act on them as soon and as much as possible, things about the need to purify Croatia from 'foreign elements,' whose presence polluted the Croatian national being.

This policy rewarded the behavior of the chameleon, as exemplified by current Croatian president Stjepan Mesic, who boasted in a videotaped speech, delivered around 1992, apparently to the Croatian community in Australia, that the great strength of Croatia was its ability to deceive:

"'You see, in the Second World War, the Croats won twice and we have no reason to apologise to anyone. What they ask of the Croats the whole time,' Go kneel in Jasenovac, kneel here...' We don't have to kneel in front of anyone for anything! We won twice and all the others only once. We won on 10 April [1941 - J.I.] when the Axis Powers recognized Croatia as a state and we won because we sat after the war, again with the winners, at the winning table.'" [18]

This same glib doubletalk is manifested today in the claim, made in tones of outraged dignity, by Croatian organizations in the US and Canada, and by Marko Perkovic Thompson himself, that the Thompson band is not fascist. [See http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/times1.htm#sing ]
How dare anyone say such a thing!

And consider the effect on the surviving victims - mainly Serbs, since all but a few Roma and Jews had been killed. If they wanted a Yugoslavia, which they did, they had to pay with a terrible silence, a silence enforced by the state. Even their children must not be told what had happened to perhaps a million of their relatives.

It is a grim irony that, during most of the existence of Communist Yugoslavia - with the exception of a few years immediately after World War II, when there were some trials of prominent Ustashe - the officially approved slogan of 'brotherhood and unity' meant in practice toleration of clerical-fascist beliefs and freedom for many clerical-fascists criminals in the republics of Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina.

-- October 7, 1984: There was no mention of Jasenovac from 1972 until 1984, when, in a piece discussing a proposed but much-postponed trip to Croatia by the pope, the Times wrote:

"Another question is whether the Pope will visit the site of the Jasenovac concentration camp, 60 miles southeast of Zagreb. Among the displays at a museum on the site is a photograph of Cardinal Stepinac being received by leaders of the Ustachi, the Croatian collaborators of the Nazis and Italian Fascists." [19]

Now we come to the watershed year: 1991.

=============================================

1991: The Times invents a kinder Jasenovac

=============================================

-- March 4, 1991: With Croatia on the verge of secession, the Times wrote about Jasenovac for the first time in seven years:

"The enmity between Serbs and Croats, who make up the largest of Yugoslavia's six republics, has deep roots. About 30 miles from Pakrac, at the Jasenovac concentration camp, *tens of thousands of Serbs, gypsies and Jews* were killed when it was run by the fascist puppet government of Croatia during World War II."

(My emphasis - J.I.) [20]

From a Ustasha death machine that killed "as many as 800,000 people" (see N.Y. Times, 1972 quoted above), Jasenovac was now, somehow, a consequence of ethnic "enmity" (suggesting fault on both sides) where "tens of thousands...were killed." An ugly place, but not part of the organized and systematic machinery of genocide, known as the Holocaust.

With few exceptions, throughout the 1990s and until now, Times articles have either bluntly stated that "tens of thousands" (or 80-85,000) died; or, alternatively, they have stated that the casualty figures are disputed, with the correct figures being somewhere in the "tens of thousands" (or 80-85,000).

-- May 19, 1996: Chris Hedges of the Times reported that:

"[Croatia's then-reigning] President Tudjman, seeking to defuse criticism of the wartime [Ustasha] government, says 28,000 people were killed at Jasenovac. [Late Yugoslav Communist president] Tito, eager to demonize his fascist rivals, said 700,000 people died. Both figures are dismissed as unrealistic by independent scholars in the United States, who estimate that about 80,000 people were killed here."

(Bracketed text is mine - J.I.) [21]

A few points.

First, the above is an early example of the 'disputed-figures' approach. As you can see, it renders the Times' desired figure - 80,000 - both more believable and also easier for readers to remember by associating it in our minds with a supposed dispute. (We pay more attention when there is a dispute.) So the 'disputed figures' approach is a learning aid.

It also enhances the Times' already-existing aura of impartiality, since the writer is championing supposedly honest mediation against supposed eternally feuding Balkans factions.

For Hedges, the honest mediators are some "independent scholars in the United States."

It is a great story line, but here's the rub: In order to mediate a real struggle, the mediators must exist. Searching in both the Lexis-Nexis and the New York Times archives, I found that no New York Times article ever identified Hedges' "independent scholars." Are they so independent they have no names? Are they living incognito, perhaps wanted for a felony? Did the Times interview them in the realm of Pure Spirit?

Since I can see no reason for not identifying American scholars - we are not talking about Salman Rushdie here - and since, given the importance of the question of whether some hundreds of thousands of Serbs, Jews and Roma were or were not murdered, I can see every reason for identifying the supposed scholars - I can only conclude that said scholars were imaginary.

Second, this made me wonder, apropos the claim that imaginary scholars had rejected both sides in the supposed dispute over numbers, 'Do imaginary scholars have the right to reject things?' But then I answered myself: 'Why not, just as long as the things they are rejecting are also nonexistent.'

Which was definitely the case in this instance. Because there never was a dispute over numbers between Franjo Tudjman, on the one side, and former Yugoslav communist leader Tito, on the other.

Because just as before 1991 it was the New York Times that informed the world that "as many as 800,000 people" were murdered in Jasenovac, so the Times had also reported that Yugoslav Communist leaders banned books and discouraged pictures dealing with Jasenovac. [See 1972 New York Times article quoted above].

In other words, the two sides in this dispute were not Tudjman and Tito, they were the New York Times before and after 1991.

And finally, notice that Hedges made the remarkable claim that Tito tried to "demonize his fascist rivals." Aside from the fact that Tito had no serious fascist rivals - the Partisans, with Soviet help, had thoroughly defeated the Ustashe - aside from that, the claim is remarkable because, while 'demonize' has the meaning of 'portray as evil,' it also has the connotation of deception - 'falsely portray as evil.' Is Hedges trying to plant the thought that fascism was unfairly maligned?

-- Nov 2, 1998: For reasons whose explanation lies beyond the scope of this essay, for a number of months before the start of Croatia's 1999 trial of Jasenovac camp official Dinko Sakic, the Western media published some almost-accurate articles about Jasenovac.

Case in point: the Reuters dispatch below. To be sure, the Times buried it on page 13, but at least they published it.

[Excerpt from Reuters dispatch, as published in the New York Times, starts here]

"Thousands of Serbs, Gypsies, Jews and anti-fascist Croats died in the camps. *It is estimated in Croatia that 85,000 people died in Jasenovac, though Jewish groups put the toll much higher.*"

(My emphasis - J.I.) [22]

[Excerpt from Reuters dispatch, as published in the New York Times, ends here]

Two points about this.

First, notice that the Times has admitted that Jewish groups (not former Yugoslav leaders, and not only Serbs) were defending a "much higher" count than Croatia's. The Times did not inform readers of the number being put forward by Jewish groups, which, according to the London-based Financial Times, was 600,000. [23] By withholding this information, the Times prevented people from seeing the stark contrast - 600,000 vs. 85,000 - which might have caused them to wonder if Croatia was engaged in Holocaust denial. Nevertheless, the Times had made a major admission. The "much higher" count was not a propaganda creation.

Second, notice that the Times admitted that the Croatian establishment, not some nameless "independent scholars," was behind the 85,000 figure. Meaning, the Times' own previous coverage was a lie.

The Western media used the trial of Sakic, a Jasenovac commander, to create the spectacle of a Croatia that was supposedly struggling with the painful truth about its past and deserved to be welcomed into the family of nations. To reinforce that impression, after Sakic's conviction, in October 1999, the media quoted a few people, perceived as representing Serbs and Jews, who said they approved the conduct of the trial and praised Croatia.

With Croatia now presented to the world as having transformed itself - a falsification, in my opinion - the Times and other media ended their brief flirtation with semi-accurate reporting.

Thus, the day the trial ended, the Times published another Reuters dispatch, the relevant part of which is posted below.

While the almost-accurate pre-trial dispatch was buried on page 13, the post-trial dispatch got top billing: column 1, page 3. The Times uses that space for leading foreign news.

"Mr. Sakic, 78, did not flinch as the seven-member panel of judges pronounced him guilty of war crimes against civilians for his role as commander of *the Jasenovac camp, where up to 85,000 inmates died* at the hands of the Nazi-allied Ustashi regime in 1941-45." [24]

Before the start of the trial, the 85,000 figure was Croatia's view, sharply disputed by Jewish groups. Now, along with Croatia, the 85,000 figure had been miraculously transformed: it was now the upper limit of the number of victims of clerical-fascist terror at Jasenovac.

The year was 1999, but it wasn't really 1999. It was 1984 plus fifteen.

Jared Israel
Editor, Emperor's Clothes

[ - continued in Part 3 - ]

=============================================

* Footnotes and Further Reading *

=============================================

Due to space considerations, footnotes have been deleted, but can be viewed at http://tenc.net/croatia/tour2.htm

The Emperor's New Clothes (TENC) * www.tenc.net

Holocaust History Misappropriated"

by Philip J. Cohen
MIDSTREAM: A Monthly Jewish Review
November 1992. Volume XXXVIII No.8.

In conjunction with the war in former Yugoslavia, Serbia has undertaken a campaign to persuade the Jewish community of Serbian friendship for Jews. This same campaign portrays Croats as a common threat to both Jews and Serbs, in an attempt to gain Jewish sympathy and support at a time when most nations have isolated Serbia as a Balkan pariah. However, even as Serbia courts Jewish public opinion, their propagandists conceal a history of well-ingrained antisemitism, which continues unabated in 1992. To make their case, Serbs portray themselves as victims in the Second World War, but conceal the systematic genocide that Serbs had committed against several peoples including the Jews. Thus Serbs have usurped as propaganda the Holocaust that occurred in neighbouring Croatia and Bosnia, but do not give an honest accounting of the Holocaust as it occurred in Serbia.

During four centuries of Ottoman rule in the Balkans, the Jewish communities of Serbia enjoyed religious tolerance, internal autonomy, and equality before the law, that ended with the breakup of the Ottoman Empire and the emergence of the Serbian state. Soon after a Serbian insurrection against Turkish rule in 1804, Jews were expelled from the interior of Serbia and prohibited from residing outside of Belgrade. In 1856 and 1861, Jews were further prohibited from travel for the purpose of trade. In official correspondence from the late 19th century, British diplomats detailed the cruel treatment of the Jews of Serbia, which they attributed to religious fanaticism, commercial rivalries, and the belief that Jews were the secret agents of the Turks. Article 23 of the Serbian constitution granted equality to every citizen but Article 132 forbade Jews the right of domicile. The Treaty of Berlin 1878, which formally established the Serbian state, accorded political and civil equality to the Jews of Serbia, but the Serbian Parliament resisted abolishing restrictive decrees for another 11 years. Although the legal status of the Jewish community subsequently improved, the view of Jews as an alien presence persisted.

Although Serbian historians contend that the persecution of the Jews of Serbia was entirely the responsibility of Germans and began only with the German occupation, this is self- serving fiction. Fully six months before the Nazi invasion of Yugoslavia, Serbia had issued legislation restricting Jewish participation in the economy and university enrolment. One year later on 22 October 1941, the rabidly antisemitic "Grand Anti-Masonic Exhibit" opened in occupied Belgrade, funded by the city of Belgrade. The central theme was an alleged Jewish- Communist-Masonic plot for world domination. Newspapers such as Obnova (Renewal) and Nasa Borba (Our Struggle) praised this exhibit, proclaiming that Jews were the ancient enemies of the Serbian people and that Serbs should not wait for the Germans to begin the extermination of the Jews. A few months later, Serbian authorities issued postage stamps commemorating the opening of this popular exhibit. These stamps, which juxtaposed Jewish and Serbian symbols (but did not contain Nazi symbols), portrayed Judaism as the source of world evil and advocated the humiliation and violent subjugation of Jews.

Serbia as well as neighboring Croatia was under Axis occupation during the Second World War. Although the efficient destruction of Serbian Jewry in the first two years of German occupation has been well documented by respected sources, the extent to which Serbia actively collaborated in that destruction has been less recognized. The Serbian government under General Milan Nedic worked closely with local Nazi officials in making Belgrade the first "Judenfrei" city of Europe. As late as 19 September 1943, Nedic made an official visit to Adolf Hitler, Serbs in Berlin advanced the idea that the Serbs were the "Ubermenchen" (master race) of the Slavs.

Although the Serbian version of history portrays wartime Serbia as a helpless, occupied territory, Serbian newspapers of the period offer a portrait of intensive collaboration. In November 1941, Mihajlo Olcan, a minister in Nedic's government boasted that "Serbia has been allowed what no other occupied country has been allowed and that is to establish law and order with its own armed forces". Indeed, with Nazi blessings, Nedic established the Serbian State Guard, numbering about 20,000, compared to the 3,400 German police in Serbia. Recruiting advertisements for the Serb police force specified that "applicants must have no Jewish or Gypsy blood". Nedic's second in command was Dimitrije Ljotic, founder of the Serbian Fascist Party and the principal Fascist ideologist of Serbia. Ljotic organized the Serbian Volunteers Corps, whose primary function was rounding up Jews, Gypsies, and partisans for execution. Serbian citizens and police received cash bounties for the capture and delivery of Jews.

The Serbian Orthodox Church openly collaborated with the Nazis, and many priests publicly defended the persecution of the Jews. On 13 August 1941, approximately 500 distinguished Serbs signed "An Appeal to the Serbian Nation", which called for loyalty to the occupying Nazis. The first three signers were bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church. On 30 January 1942, Metropolitan Josif, the acting head of the Holy Synod of the Serbian Orthodox Church, officially prohibited conversions of Jews to Serbian Orthodoxy, thereby blocking a means of saving Jewish lives. At a public rally, after the government Minister Olcan "thanked God that the enormously powerful fist of Germany had not come down upon the head of the Serbian nation" but instead "upon the heads of the Jews in our midst", the speaker of these words was then blessed by a high-ranking Serbian Orthodox priest.

A most striking example of Serbian antisemitism combined with historical revisionism is the case of Bishop Nikolaj Velimirovic (1880-1956), revered as one of the most influential church leaders and ideologists after Saint Sava, founder of the Serbian Orthodox Church. To Serbs, Bishop Velimirovic was a martyr who survived torture in the Dachau prison camp. In truth he was brought to Dachau (as were other prominent European clergy), because the Nazis believed he could be useful for propaganda. There he spent approximately two months as an "Ehrenhaftling" (honour prisoner) in a special section, dining on the same food as the German officers, living in private quarters, and making excursions into town under German escort. From Dachau, this venerated priest endorsed the Holocaust:

Europe is presently the main battlefield of the Jew and his father, the devil, against the heavenly Father and his only begotten Son... (Jews) first need to become legally equal with Christians in order to repress Christianity next, turn Christians into atheist, and step on their necks. All the modern European slogans have been made up by Jews, the crucifiers of Christ: democracy, strikes, socialism atheism, tolerance of all religions, pacifism, universal revolution, capitalism and communism... All this has been done with the intention to eliminate Christ... You should think about this, my Serbian brethren, and correspondingly correct your thoughts, desires and acts. (Bishop Nikolaj Velimirovic: Addresses to the Serbian People--Through the Prison Window. Himmelsthur, Germany: Serbian Orthodox Eparchy for Western Europe, 1985, pp. 161-162).

Despite Serbian claims to the contrary, Germans were not alone in killing the Jews of Serbia. The long concealed Historical Archives in Belgrade reveal that Banjica, a concentration camp located in Belgrade, was primarily staffed by Serbs. Funding for the conversion of the former barracks of the Serbian 18th infantry division to a concentration, came from the municipal budget of Belgrade. The camp was divided into German and Serbian sections. From Banjica there survive death lists written entirely in Serbian in the Cyrillic alphabet. At least 23,697 victims passed through the Serbian section of this camp. Many were Jews, including at least 798 children, of whom at least 120 were shot by Serbian guards. The use of mobile gassing vans by Nazis in Serbia for the extermination of Jewish women and children has been well documented. It is less appreciated, however, that a Serbian business firm had contracted with the Gestapo to purchase these same victims cloths, which sometimes contained hidden money or jewelry in the linings. In August 1942, following the virtual liquidation of Serbia's Jews, Nedic's government attempted to claim all Jewish property for the Serbian state. In the same month, Dr. Harald Turner; the chief of the Nazi civil administration of Serbia, boasted that Serbia was the only country in which the "Jewish question" was solved. Turner himself attributed this "success" to Serbian help. Thus, 94 percent of Serbia's 16,000 Jews were exterminated, with the considerable cooperation of the Serbian government, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Serbian State Guard, the Serbian police and the Serbian public.

Today, many Serbs proudly cite the Chetniks as a resistance force and even claim that the Chetniks were somehow allied with the United States during the Second World War, but this is simply historical revisionism. According to the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Chetnik resistance against the Nazis came to a complete stop as early as the end of 1941. Thereafter, the Chetnik resistance actively collaborated with the both Nazis and Fascists, and for this reason Jewish fighters found it necessary to abandon the Chetniks, in favour of Tito's Partisans. In reality, the Chetniks, dedicated primarily to the restoration of the Serbian throne and territorial expansion of the Serbian state, were the moral counterpart of Croatia's Ustatsha. Both were quintessentially genocidal; the Chetniks committed systematic genocide against Muslims, who, for nearly all of 500 years had lived peacefully with the Sephardic Jewish community. Under explicit orders from their leader Draze Mihajlovic, the Chetniks attempted to depopulate Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Croatia of all non- Serbs and in the process, massacred most of the 86,000 to 103,000 Muslims who perished during the war.

For years, the Serbian dominated Belgrade government has supported and trained PLO terrorists. Immediately after the murder of Leon Klinghoffer aboard the Achille Lauro in 1985, the terrorist mastermind Abu Abbas was welcomed in Belgrade. Since the late 1980's, Abu-Nidal has maintained a large terrorist infrastructure in Yugoslavia, in coordination with Libyan, Iraqi, and Yugoslav intelligence services. During the 1991 Persian Gulf War, as Iraqi missiles landed in Israel, Belgrade supported its ally Iraq. Support of anti-Israel terrorism may be a consequence of support for nonaligned Arab states, rather than an expression of anti-Jewish sentiment.

Although the Jewish community of Serbia is not currently experiencing persecution, overt expressions of Serbian antisemitism do surface in such mainstream institutions as the Serbian Orthodox Church and the official news media. The 15 January 1992 issue of the official publication of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Pravoslavlje (Orthodoxy), carried an article entitled, "Jews Crucify Christ Again." In this polemic, "treacherous" and "surreptitious" Israeli politicians were said to be constrained from expressing their "pathological" hatred of Christians openly because "they know that Christian countries gave them the state." Allegedly, nuns are so frequently beaten in Israel, that one nun was actually "happy, because they only spit in her face." Only weeks later, when Russia extended diplomatic recognition to the former Yugoslav republics of Croatia and Slovenia, the official Yugoslav (Serbian perspective) news agency Tanjug blamed "a Jewish conspiracy" against Serbia, hauntingly reminiscent of the theme of the 1941 anti-Masonic exhibit.

The essential strategy of Serbian propaganda is to portray the spiritual kinship between Jews and Serbs as victims of the Holocaust and endangered by Croats. This concept is disseminated through the Serbian-Jewish Friendship Society, founded in Belgrade in 1988 and supported by the Serbian government. In January and February 1992, Dr. Klara Mandic, the secretary-general and principal voice of this organization, syndicated a chilling article in the North American Jewish press. This article alleged that Ankica Konjuh, an elderly Jewish woman, was tortured and murdered by "Croat extremists" in September 1991. However, even as she released this story to the press, Dr. Mandic knew that Ankica Konjuh was neither a Jew nor could have been killed by Croats. Bona-fide witnesses have testified that Ankica Konjuh, a 67 year-old Croat, was one of 240 civilians massacred by Serbian forces after the last Croat defenders were driven from the region. Moreover on 23 December 1991, the Federation of Jewish Communities of Yugoslavia met in Belgrade and demanded in writing that Dr. Mandic cease and desist misrepresenting Ankica Konjuh as the first Jewish victim of the war. Nevertheless, in late February 1992, when Dr. Mandic lectured at the Hillel House of George Washington University in Washington, D.C., she provided the rabbi with a copy of that misleading article, delivered without further comment. It is noteworthy that this speaking engagement was part of a tour arranged by Wise Communications, a Washington-based public relations firm representing the Serbian oil company Jugopetrol, a thinly veiled proxy for the Communist Belgrade government. Beginning with the proposition that antisemitism has never existed in Serbia, Dr. Mandic portrayed Croatia as preparing to repeat the Holocaust. She claimed to be a "Jewish leader," although Jews are distinctly absent from her constituency. Less than half a dozen Jews are actual members of her society of several thousand. She introduced herself as an "eyewitness" speaking on behalf of Croatian Jews, although since the war began, she has had no contact with any of the nine Jewish communities of Croatia. When Dr. Mandic was asked to comment on Serbian (Yugoslav Army) shelling of the synagogue of Dubrovnik, the second oldest surviving synagogue in Europe, she denied that the synagogue had ever been damaged at all. Meanwhile, the attack has been well documented by the Jewish community of Dubrovnik and the World Monument Fund.

Jewish sensitivity to the Holocaust is similarly exploited by the Jewish-Serbian Friendship Society of America (Granada Hills, California), an offshoot of Dr. Mandic's organization. Its newsletter equates the Jewish and Serbian positions during World War II, both as victims of Croats, but fails to mention Serbian complicity in the Holocaust, Serbian collaboration with the Nazis, and Serbian genocide against Croats, Gypsies, and Muslims. It warns of an imminent Holocaust being initiated in Croatia. A contrasting portrayal of Croatia, however, emerges from a spectrum of Croatian Jews, American Jews who have visited Croatia, and international Jewish agencies monitoring events on site. All concur that there is no state-sponsored antisemitism in Croatia; the rights of the Jewish minority are respected; and antisemitic incidents are virtually unknown. Thus, only a few dozen of the 2,000 Jews of Croatia have chosen to emigrate to Israel since the war began.

Serbia of today and Germany in World War II offer striking parallels. In 1991, Vojislav Seselj, a member of the Serbian Parliament and leader of the Serbian irregulars who call themselves Chetniks, declared, "We want no one else on our territory and we will fight for our true borders. The Croats must either move or die." Croats in Serbian conquered regions are forced to wear red-and-white armbands, analogous to the yellow armbands worn by Jews in Serbia during the Holocaust. The stated purpose of the expulsion of Muslims and Croats from captured regions is "ethnic cleansing." The indigenous non-Serbian populations of the invaded territories are being driven from their homes, exterminated, or imprisoned in concentration camps, to create regions of Serbian ethnic purity. Jewish community centres, synagogues, and cemeteries have been damaged and destroyed by characteristically indiscriminate Serbian artillery attacks. To all of this, the Jewish-Serbian Friendship Society has remained conspicuously silent.

Belgrade has promoted the myth of Serbian kinship with the Jews as fellow victims of Nazi oppression, while concealing the true extent of Serbian collaboration with the Nazis. It is ironic that Serbia is now seeking Jewish support for a war in which both the idealogy and methodology so tragically echo nazism. The European Community, the Helsinki Commission, the United Nations, and the United States have all condemned Serbia as the aggressor. Western diplomats have characterized the current Serbian regime as "a lying, terrorist criminal organization." Serbia, however, claims to be the victim and campaigns for Jewish sympathy and support, exploiting the powerful symbolism of the Holocaust. Serbia's professed solicitude for the Jewish people must be reexamined.

Holocaust History Misappropriated"

by Philip J. Cohen
MIDSTREAM: A Monthly Jewish Review
November 1992. Volume XXXVIII No.8.

In conjunction with the war in former Yugoslavia, Serbia has undertaken a campaign to persuade the Jewish community of Serbian friendship for Jews. This same campaign portrays Croats as a common threat to both Jews and Serbs, in an attempt to gain Jewish sympathy and support at a time when most nations have isolated Serbia as a Balkan pariah. However, even as Serbia courts Jewish public opinion, their propagandists conceal a history of well-ingrained antisemitism, which continues unabated in 1992. To make their case, Serbs portray themselves as victims in the Second World War, but conceal the systematic genocide that Serbs had committed against several peoples including the Jews. Thus Serbs have usurped as propaganda the Holocaust that occurred in neighbouring Croatia and Bosnia, but do not give an honest accounting of the Holocaust as it occurred in Serbia.

During four centuries of Ottoman rule in the Balkans, the Jewish communities of Serbia enjoyed religious tolerance, internal autonomy, and equality before the law, that ended with the breakup of the Ottoman Empire and the emergence of the Serbian state. Soon after a Serbian insurrection against Turkish rule in 1804, Jews were expelled from the interior of Serbia and prohibited from residing outside of Belgrade. In 1856 and 1861, Jews were further prohibited from travel for the purpose of trade. In official correspondence from the late 19th century, British diplomats detailed the cruel treatment of the Jews of Serbia, which they attributed to religious fanaticism, commercial rivalries, and the belief that Jews were the secret agents of the Turks. Article 23 of the Serbian constitution granted equality to every citizen but Article 132 forbade Jews the right of domicile. The Treaty of Berlin 1878, which formally established the Serbian state, accorded political and civil equality to the Jews of Serbia, but the Serbian Parliament resisted abolishing restrictive decrees for another 11 years. Although the legal status of the Jewish community subsequently improved, the view of Jews as an alien presence persisted.

Although Serbian historians contend that the persecution of the Jews of Serbia was entirely the responsibility of Germans and began only with the German occupation, this is self- serving fiction. Fully six months before the Nazi invasion of Yugoslavia, Serbia had issued legislation restricting Jewish participation in the economy and university enrolment. One year later on 22 October 1941, the rabidly antisemitic "Grand Anti-Masonic Exhibit" opened in occupied Belgrade, funded by the city of Belgrade. The central theme was an alleged Jewish- Communist-Masonic plot for world domination. Newspapers such as Obnova (Renewal) and Nasa Borba (Our Struggle) praised this exhibit, proclaiming that Jews were the ancient enemies of the Serbian people and that Serbs should not wait for the Germans to begin the extermination of the Jews. A few months later, Serbian authorities issued postage stamps commemorating the opening of this popular exhibit. These stamps, which juxtaposed Jewish and Serbian symbols (but did not contain Nazi symbols), portrayed Judaism as the source of world evil and advocated the humiliation and violent subjugation of Jews.

Serbia as well as neighboring Croatia was under Axis occupation during the Second World War. Although the efficient destruction of Serbian Jewry in the first two years of German occupation has been well documented by respected sources, the extent to which Serbia actively collaborated in that destruction has been less recognized. The Serbian government under General Milan Nedic worked closely with local Nazi officials in making Belgrade the first "Judenfrei" city of Europe. As late as 19 September 1943, Nedic made an official visit to Adolf Hitler, Serbs in Berlin advanced the idea that the Serbs were the "Ubermenchen" (master race) of the Slavs.

Although the Serbian version of history portrays wartime Serbia as a helpless, occupied territory, Serbian newspapers of the period offer a portrait of intensive collaboration. In November 1941, Mihajlo Olcan, a minister in Nedic's government boasted that "Serbia has been allowed what no other occupied country has been allowed and that is to establish law and order with its own armed forces". Indeed, with Nazi blessings, Nedic established the Serbian State Guard, numbering about 20,000, compared to the 3,400 German police in Serbia. Recruiting advertisements for the Serb police force specified that "applicants must have no Jewish or Gypsy blood". Nedic's second in command was Dimitrije Ljotic, founder of the Serbian Fascist Party and the principal Fascist ideologist of Serbia. Ljotic organized the Serbian Volunteers Corps, whose primary function was rounding up Jews, Gypsies, and partisans for execution. Serbian citizens and police received cash bounties for the capture and delivery of Jews.

The Serbian Orthodox Church openly collaborated with the Nazis, and many priests publicly defended the persecution of the Jews. On 13 August 1941, approximately 500 distinguished Serbs signed "An Appeal to the Serbian Nation", which called for loyalty to the occupying Nazis. The first three signers were bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church. On 30 January 1942, Metropolitan Josif, the acting head of the Holy Synod of the Serbian Orthodox Church, officially prohibited conversions of Jews to Serbian Orthodoxy, thereby blocking a means of saving Jewish lives. At a public rally, after the government Minister Olcan "thanked God that the enormously powerful fist of Germany had not come down upon the head of the Serbian nation" but instead "upon the heads of the Jews in our midst", the speaker of these words was then blessed by a high-ranking Serbian Orthodox priest.

A most striking example of Serbian antisemitism combined with historical revisionism is the case of Bishop Nikolaj Velimirovic (1880-1956), revered as one of the most influential church leaders and ideologists after Saint Sava, founder of the Serbian Orthodox Church. To Serbs, Bishop Velimirovic was a martyr who survived torture in the Dachau prison camp. In truth he was brought to Dachau (as were other prominent European clergy), because the Nazis believed he could be useful for propaganda. There he spent approximately two months as an "Ehrenhaftling" (honour prisoner) in a special section, dining on the same food as the German officers, living in private quarters, and making excursions into town under German escort. From Dachau, this venerated priest endorsed the Holocaust:

Europe is presently the main battlefield of the Jew and his father, the devil, against the heavenly Father and his only begotten Son... (Jews) first need to become legally equal with Christians in order to repress Christianity next, turn Christians into atheist, and step on their necks. All the modern European slogans have been made up by Jews, the crucifiers of Christ: democracy, strikes, socialism atheism, tolerance of all religions, pacifism, universal revolution, capitalism and communism... All this has been done with the intention to eliminate Christ... You should think about this, my Serbian brethren, and correspondingly correct your thoughts, desires and acts. (Bishop Nikolaj Velimirovic: Addresses to the Serbian People--Through the Prison Window. Himmelsthur, Germany: Serbian Orthodox Eparchy for Western Europe, 1985, pp. 161-162).

Despite Serbian claims to the contrary, Germans were not alone in killing the Jews of Serbia. The long concealed Historical Archives in Belgrade reveal that Banjica, a concentration camp located in Belgrade, was primarily staffed by Serbs. Funding for the conversion of the former barracks of the Serbian 18th infantry division to a concentration, came from the municipal budget of Belgrade. The camp was divided into German and Serbian sections. From Banjica there survive death lists written entirely in Serbian in the Cyrillic alphabet. At least 23,697 victims passed through the Serbian section of this camp. Many were Jews, including at least 798 children, of whom at least 120 were shot by Serbian guards. The use of mobile gassing vans by Nazis in Serbia for the extermination of Jewish women and children has been well documented. It is less appreciated, however, that a Serbian business firm had contracted with the Gestapo to purchase these same victims cloths, which sometimes contained hidden money or jewelry in the linings. In August 1942, following the virtual liquidation of Serbia's Jews, Nedic's government attempted to claim all Jewish property for the Serbian state. In the same month, Dr. Harald Turner; the chief of the Nazi civil administration of Serbia, boasted that Serbia was the only country in which the "Jewish question" was solved. Turner himself attributed this "success" to Serbian help. Thus, 94 percent of Serbia's 16,000 Jews were exterminated, with the considerable cooperation of the Serbian government, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Serbian State Guard, the Serbian police and the Serbian public.

Today, many Serbs proudly cite the Chetniks as a resistance force and even claim that the Chetniks were somehow allied with the United States during the Second World War, but this is simply historical revisionism. According to the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Chetnik resistance against the Nazis came to a complete stop as early as the end of 1941. Thereafter, the Chetnik resistance actively collaborated with the both Nazis and Fascists, and for this reason Jewish fighters found it necessary to abandon the Chetniks, in favour of Tito's Partisans. In reality, the Chetniks, dedicated primarily to the restoration of the Serbian throne and territorial expansion of the Serbian state, were the moral counterpart of Croatia's Ustatsha. Both were quintessentially genocidal; the Chetniks committed systematic genocide against Muslims, who, for nearly all of 500 years had lived peacefully with the Sephardic Jewish community. Under explicit orders from their leader Draze Mihajlovic, the Chetniks attempted to depopulate Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Croatia of all non- Serbs and in the process, massacred most of the 86,000 to 103,000 Muslims who perished during the war.

For years, the Serbian dominated Belgrade government has supported and trained PLO terrorists. Immediately after the murder of Leon Klinghoffer aboard the Achille Lauro in 1985, the terrorist mastermind Abu Abbas was welcomed in Belgrade. Since the late 1980's, Abu-Nidal has maintained a large terrorist infrastructure in Yugoslavia, in coordination with Libyan, Iraqi, and Yugoslav intelligence services. During the 1991 Persian Gulf War, as Iraqi missiles landed in Israel, Belgrade supported its ally Iraq. Support of anti-Israel terrorism may be a consequence of support for nonaligned Arab states, rather than an expression of anti-Jewish sentiment.

Although the Jewish community of Serbia is not currently experiencing persecution, overt expressions of Serbian antisemitism do surface in such mainstream institutions as the Serbian Orthodox Church and the official news media. The 15 January 1992 issue of the official publication of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Pravoslavlje (Orthodoxy), carried an article entitled, "Jews Crucify Christ Again." In this polemic, "treacherous" and "surreptitious" Israeli politicians were said to be constrained from expressing their "pathological" hatred of Christians openly because "they know that Christian countries gave them the state." Allegedly, nuns are so frequently beaten in Israel, that one nun was actually "happy, because they only spit in her face." Only weeks later, when Russia extended diplomatic recognition to the former Yugoslav republics of Croatia and Slovenia, the official Yugoslav (Serbian perspective) news agency Tanjug blamed "a Jewish conspiracy" against Serbia, hauntingly reminiscent of the theme of the 1941 anti-Masonic exhibit.

The essential strategy of Serbian propaganda is to portray the spiritual kinship between Jews and Serbs as victims of the Holocaust and endangered by Croats. This concept is disseminated through the Serbian-Jewish Friendship Society, founded in Belgrade in 1988 and supported by the Serbian government. In January and February 1992, Dr. Klara Mandic, the secretary-general and principal voice of this organization, syndicated a chilling article in the North American Jewish press. This article alleged that Ankica Konjuh, an elderly Jewish woman, was tortured and murdered by "Croat extremists" in September 1991. However, even as she released this story to the press, Dr. Mandic knew that Ankica Konjuh was neither a Jew nor could have been killed by Croats. Bona-fide witnesses have testified that Ankica Konjuh, a 67 year-old Croat, was one of 240 civilians massacred by Serbian forces after the last Croat defenders were driven from the region. Moreover on 23 December 1991, the Federation of Jewish Communities of Yugoslavia met in Belgrade and demanded in writing that Dr. Mandic cease and desist misrepresenting Ankica Konjuh as the first Jewish victim of the war. Nevertheless, in late February 1992, when Dr. Mandic lectured at the Hillel House of George Washington University in Washington, D.C., she provided the rabbi with a copy of that misleading article, delivered without further comment. It is noteworthy that this speaking engagement was part of a tour arranged by Wise Communications, a Washington-based public relations firm representing the Serbian oil company Jugopetrol, a thinly veiled proxy for the Communist Belgrade government. Beginning with the proposition that antisemitism has never existed in Serbia, Dr. Mandic portrayed Croatia as preparing to repeat the Holocaust. She claimed to be a "Jewish leader," although Jews are distinctly absent from her constituency. Less than half a dozen Jews are actual members of her society of several thousand. She introduced herself as an "eyewitness" speaking on behalf of Croatian Jews, although since the war began, she has had no contact with any of the nine Jewish communities of Croatia. When Dr. Mandic was asked to comment on Serbian (Yugoslav Army) shelling of the synagogue of Dubrovnik, the second oldest surviving synagogue in Europe, she denied that the synagogue had ever been damaged at all. Meanwhile, the attack has been well documented by the Jewish community of Dubrovnik and the World Monument Fund.

Jewish sensitivity to the Holocaust is similarly exploited by the Jewish-Serbian Friendship Society of America (Granada Hills, California), an offshoot of Dr. Mandic's organization. Its newsletter equates the Jewish and Serbian positions during World War II, both as victims of Croats, but fails to mention Serbian complicity in the Holocaust, Serbian collaboration with the Nazis, and Serbian genocide against Croats, Gypsies, and Muslims. It warns of an imminent Holocaust being initiated in Croatia. A contrasting portrayal of Croatia, however, emerges from a spectrum of Croatian Jews, American Jews who have visited Croatia, and international Jewish agencies monitoring events on site. All concur that there is no state-sponsored antisemitism in Croatia; the rights of the Jewish minority are respected; and antisemitic incidents are virtually unknown. Thus, only a few dozen of the 2,000 Jews of Croatia have chosen to emigrate to Israel since the war began.

Serbia of today and Germany in World War II offer striking parallels. In 1991, Vojislav Seselj, a member of the Serbian Parliament and leader of the Serbian irregulars who call themselves Chetniks, declared, "We want no one else on our territory and we will fight for our true borders. The Croats must either move or die." Croats in Serbian conquered regions are forced to wear red-and-white armbands, analogous to the yellow armbands worn by Jews in Serbia during the Holocaust. The stated purpose of the expulsion of Muslims and Croats from captured regions is "ethnic cleansing." The indigenous non-Serbian populations of the invaded territories are being driven from their homes, exterminated, or imprisoned in concentration camps, to create regions of Serbian ethnic purity. Jewish community centres, synagogues, and cemeteries have been damaged and destroyed by characteristically indiscriminate Serbian artillery attacks. To all of this, the Jewish-Serbian Friendship Society has remained conspicuously silent.

Belgrade has promoted the myth of Serbian kinship with the Jews as fellow victims of Nazi oppression, while concealing the true extent of Serbian collaboration with the Nazis. It is ironic that Serbia is now seeking Jewish support for a war in which both the idealogy and methodology so tragically echo nazism. The European Community, the Helsinki Commission, the United Nations, and the United States have all condemned Serbia as the aggressor. Western diplomats have characterized the current Serbian regime as "a lying, terrorist criminal organization." Serbia, however, claims to be the victim and campaigns for Jewish sympathy and support, exploiting the powerful symbolism of the Holocaust. Serbia's professed solicitude for the Jewish people must be reexamined.

Jared Israel's text relies on the New York Times, not some Serbian source. Philip Cohen, a paid apologist for Croatian fascism, relies on his vivid imagination.

Regarding who played what role concerning Nazism, below are two excerpts from the 1941 New York Times. The first is from March 27, before the Nazi invasion of Yugoslavia, concerning the massive anti-Nazi demonstrations in Serbia, demanding war with Germany. The second is from May 11, a few weeks after the Nazi invasion, stating the view of German Nazi officers, interviewed in conquered Serbia, that the Croats had to be rewarded for helping Nazi Germany, and the Serbs had to be taught a lesson they would never forget for daring to defy Nordic conquerers, quote unquote. (Right in the title of the article, it states: Serbs and Jews to be crushed.) Here are the two texts:

[Excerpt from March 26, 1941 NY Times starts here]

Text version online at http://tenc.net/a/times410326-t.htm
PDF scanned from original online at
http://tenc.net/archive/times410326.htm

CROWDS ASK ARMS
___________________________

Opposition Leaders Are
Rounded Up in Capital
-- City Heavily Guarded
___________________________

PRIESTS CALL FOR REVOLT
___________________________

Opinion at Explosive Pitch in
Central Serbia, Montenegro
-- Army's Stand Uncertain
___________________________

By Telephone to THE NEW YORK TIMES.

BERNE, Switzerland, March 26 --
The anger aroused in Central Serbia and Montenegro when the Yugoslav Government signed the Tripartite Pact in Vienna [thus officially entering into a relationship of subservience to Nazi Germany - J.I.] seemed tonight to be approaching a condition of revolt at Kragujevac and Cetinje, capital of old Montenegro.

The irate peasantry of Central Serbia and the mountaineers of Montenegro were reported marching into their respective capitals by the thousands, demanding arms and leadership for war against the Germans who already are threatening invasion of Yugoslavia "to save it from itself."

While the secret Yugoslav police, using lists prepared weeks ago by Gestapo [German secret police - NY Times] agents, began rounding up Serbian patriots, komitaji leaders, opposition party members and student leaders, dissension was spreading within the capital. Eight demonstrations were under way in the outskirts of the capital and the crowds, some of them armed with clubs and small caliber pistols, planned a march on the center of the city.

Steel-helmeted policemen rushed in fast trucks to "danger points" about Belgrade as evening fell. The gendarmes were posted beyond the Slabia and the upper end of Belgrade above the University Building, upon the Kralja Alexandra Bridge and the great circle at the Mostar intersection beyond "Government Row" on the Milosa Velikog.

War Songs Are Banned

Alarmed by the spread of dissension, the government forbade the playing and singing of sectional war songs.

Reports tonight from the provinces said the authorities were attempting similar measures outside the capital but with little effect. The threat of heavy fines and jail sentences restrained most musicians in the Belgrade kafanas, but the people sang their forbidden songs with a will and without interference.

This correspondent learned late tonight that a resolution was being prepared by the leaders of the Serbian Patriotic Society, komitajis, the Sokols and others for presentation to Prince Regent Paul tomorrow demanding the expulsion of "the traitorous Cvetkovitch government" and immediate formation of a nationalist government.

On the eve of tomorrow's Episcopal Council of the nineteen Serbian Orthodox Missions called by the Serbian Patriarch, priests and monks appeared in the cafes late today distributing pamphlets calling upon the people to revolt. Serbian priests and monks have conspired and fought with the peasants against suppressors and invaders for nearly 200 years. The present Patriarch is a son of a komitaji leader.

Serbians from Kragujevac reported today that the Patriarch, when asked whether he approved of the nation-wide demonstrations, replied:

"Approve of them? I place myself at the head of them!"

Police Cars Assembled

Police cars were assembled about the Presidency today after the Premier and Foreign Minister had returned from Vienna. The patrol was increased about the Belgrade Terazia, the great diagonal square in the heart of the city.

A Yugoslav revolt, however, if it comes, is expected to start in Central Serbia and Montenegro, where public opinion has already reached explosive pitch, according to telephoned information from eyewitnesses today.

Beginning with the arrival of the provincial editions of the Politika early yesterday exposing the true intentions of the government [to go through with the signing in Vienna - J.I.] in a front page editorial, the Kragujevac population turned protests into action. Komitaji "cells" were organized today and small arms distributed. Road patrols were organized and ambush units formed to fight the enemy as always, in guerrilla warfare.

Down from Veliki Galatch, the jagged mountains of Montenegro, there began to pour today a ser-

__________

Continued on Page Six
__________

[Page 6]

PEASANTS IN SERBIA
ARE ON THE MARCH

Continued from Page One
__________

pentine stream of Montenegrin mountaineers, armed with hunting rifles and even old flintlocks, long knifes and pitchforks. They marched into Podgorica, Berane and Cetinje. They gathered in the public square before the Cetinje City Hall and demanded more arms and army leadership to revolt against the Cvetkovitch government. Elsewhere in the provinces, meantime, the anti-German, anti-government demonstrations continued.

"What will the army do?" is the paramount question being asked by all civilian Yugoslavs tonight.

Some of the young army leaders have said that the army never will fire on the Yugoslav people. But foreign military experts in Belgrade insisted today that the Yugoslav Army - one of the best organized in Europe - would follow the orders of the General Staff even to put down a popular revolt.

The sentiment of the General Staff is uncertain. The War Minister, General Peter Pesitch, however, was a compromise appointee of last November when more radical elements of the army were demanding a showdown with Italy over the bombing of Bitolj and the flagrant violations of Yugoslav territory.

Role of Colonels Cited

Leading military experts here say that the staff colonels and the majors will succeed to active command in most General Staff posts if it comes to war with Germany.

In Zagreb and Sarajevo students demonstrated in an orderly manner, quite openly distributing pamphlets deploring the government's action; at Nish and Skoplje [in Serbia and Macedonia, respectively - J.I.] crowds of peasants congregated on the main squares and before the City Hall, calling on the government to resign and chanting Serbian marching songs.

Following Monday's disastrous demonstration at Banja Luka [in Bosnia-Herzegovina, now part of Republika Srpska - J.I.], in which many were hurt, disturbances broke out intermittently yesterday and today.

In Belgrade shortly before noon today some 250 to 300 university students, wearing British, American and Greek flags in the lapels of their blue jackets, swarmed onto Terazia Square, chanting, singing and waving Serbian flags. Allowed to proceed momentarily they attempted to turn into Poincare Street on which is located the German legation.

Large forces of steel-helmeted police charged three times, swinging their batons and slightly injuring a few of the students as well as a few impassive onlookers. Eighteen were arrested.

Another demonstration was reported planned for tonight on the campus near the Technological University. The police apparently learned of this plan for they were exceptionally active throughout the day arresting students and youth leaders in the capital and suburbs.

Another unconfirmed report late this afternoon stated that colleges and universities throughout the country would be closed for a period - variously reported for the rest of this week or until after the orthodox Easter Sunday, April 20, as a retaliatory measure for today's disturbances, which, in most cases, were traced directly to student instigation.

Students Are Punished

Grammar school students in a fashionable school on the outskirts of town today were punished and the school closed when two classes of students walked out of the German class and refused to attend a lecture. German is the second language in Yugoslavia.

Premier Dragisha Cvetkovitch, the Foreign Minister, Dr. Alexander Cincar-Markovitch, and their suite returned from Vienna [from the meeting with the Nazis - J.I.] at 9:06 A.M. today in their special train. Members of the Cabinet, Hungarian, Rumanian and Bulgarian [all of whom were at this point part of the Nazi machine - J.I.] chargés d'affaires and an impressive array of special police were on hand to greet them.

There was no flag-waving from a handful of silent spectators who were the almost continuous receivers of orders to "keep moving." The Premier and Foreign Minister, accompanied by Vice Premier Vladimir Matchek, drove in closed cars first to the Presidency, then to the White Palace on the hill, where they were closeted with Prince Regent Paul for an hour and a half.

Later this afternoon the Premier, accompanied by M. Matchek, returned and had another long talk with the Regent.

Thereafter, reports immediately began to circulate that several political leaders, including Branko Chubrilovitch, had been arrested. Though this could not be confirmed late this evening it was significant that none of these men was seen in their customary haunts and most of their friends had also disappeared.

Reports broadcast on foreign stations and a German radio station announced that "there were enough German soldiers" on the Yugoslav frontier to march in and "maintain order" should disturbances continue, aroused considerable resentment.

Semi-official German sources in Belgrade denied that any such statement had been made, but many listeners claim to have heard one German broadcast which, though not couched in exactly those terms, did make a reference to "sufficient German troops" being present on the frontier.

Police Precautions Taken

Police precautions in the capital are tremendous. Patrols of tin-helmeted policemen repeatedly halt automobiles, investigating their occupants before allowing them to proceed. Some are searching for arms and there are understood to have been many arrests.

Telephone and telegraph censorship is increasing in efficiency. American correspondents can still telephone abroad, though their conversations have been repeatedly cut during the day. British correspondents, however, are experiencing considerably more difficulty. They were all called into the Press Ministry today and informed by an attaché that their copy of last night had been recorded and transcribed.

All were warned that a repetition of this "false news of opposition in the country expanding to demonstrations" would lead to their immediate expulsion. At present writing none has yet been arrested or requested to leave the country, but it is understood many expect this measure soon.

American correspondents, though still somewhat more at liberty to telephone abroad, are also working under tremendous difficulties. A frequent change of bases of operations has enabled many to reach their foreign bureaus. It has been learned from sources close to the government that many of them will be requested to leave the country in the near future - probably on grounds of spreading "false information."

Army Coup Ruled Out

An army coup is ruled out by foreign military attachés best informed about the state of the Army.

A German invasion, they say, might follow any such action. An Army coup probably would produce General Dusan Simovitch, presently Air Staff chieftain, as Commander in Chief of the forces of the new Yugoslav Government established - probably at Kragujevac or Cetinje - with the immediate accession of King Peter to the throne.

Prince Regent Paul is taking surprisingly little blame for the capitulation. Yet it is known that the Prince Regent is the real dictator of Yugoslavia and simply confers with the government on national issues. It was Prince Paul who acceded to the German demands and first sent M. Cvetkovitch and Dr. Cincar-Markovitch to Germany.

It was Prince Paul who received the Reich's demands from them upon their return to Belgrade. It was Prince Paul who laid the issue before the government and forced the first compromise agreement to a nonaggression pact. It was Prince Paul who received the new German demands - for signature of the Tripartite Pact and surrender upon all but two major German proposals - and it was Prince Paul who forced the patchwork and incomplete government to accept.

Finally, it was Prince Paul who gave the last instructions to the Premier and Foreign Minister and sent them on their way to Vienna and the capitulation which has brought the country clambering to its feet with loud demands for the overthrow of the "government of surrender" and war with Serbia's ancient enemy.

[...]

[Note: the air force overthrew the capitulationist government the following day. In a fury, Hitler ordered the invasion of Yugoslavia, which delayed the invasion of Russia, which caused the Nazi army to get caught in the Russian winter, which arguably cost Germany the war. - Jared Israel]

[Excerpt from March 26, 1941 NY Times ends here]

Below are second and third paragraphs of article from May 11, 1941 NY Times, after the Nazis invaded Yugoslavia to punish the Serbs, who had overthrown their Nazi-subservient government:

"Nazis Held Ready to Crush Serb Guerrillas and Jews,"
by Ray Brock, by Telephone to The New York Times, May 11, 1941, Page 1

Excerpt includes exact copy of second and third paragraphs

==============================================

With the departure of the American mission next Thursday, according to German officers in Belgrade, the last restraining factor will be removed and "we can proceed with the treatment these Serbians deserve." This "treatment," according to the Germans, means the systematic execution [my emphasis – J.I.], internment in concentration camps, or sentences to forced labor for every Serbian man or woman judged guilty of opposition to Germany since March 27. [My emphasis - Jared Israel]

[Note: March 27th was two weeks before the German invasion of Yugoslavia. It was the day the Serbian Air Force overthrew the pro-German government, with the very public support of virtually the entire Serbian population. It was this coup, and the massive public demonstrations that preceded it, accompanied and followed it – the massive demonstrations that continued after the coup of March 27th, during which, for example, many thousands of Belgrade demonstrators, overjoyed by the coup, destroyed the German travel office – that infuriated Hitler and prompted the Nazi invasion. So according to the Times, the German execution threat included virtually every Serb. - Jared Israel]

"They must be taught a lesson they will never forget," said a German Oberlieutenant, who outlined the German program for defeated Serbians. "The Croats fought with us and they will receive the fruits they deserve. We shall not be too hard upon the Bosnians. What the Italians do with the Montenegrins and Dalmatians is their business. We shall deal with the Serbs as Nordic conquerors must deal with vain inferiors who opposed them."

End of Excerpt. Case closed.

That Serbians generally fought Nazism and Croatians generally enthusiastically supported it is a matter of historical record.

See for instance Yad Vashem's "Encyclopedia of the Holocaust" article on Croatia, posted at
http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/encr.htm#II

Thus not only were *hundreds of thousands* of 'foreign elements' slaughtered by the native (not German) Croatian Ustashe, but when the Ustashe moved to destroy Croatian Jewry:

"Overnight, a pseudolegal expropriation drive was launched, which before long turned into an unbridled countrywide campaign of plunder and pillage in which everyone who stood to profit took part – trade unions, youth organizations, sports clubs, the armed forces, and government officials of all ranks. Ordinary citizens also took part in this campaign wherever they could; indeed, the share of “private” elements in the plunder was enormous – at least half of the property of which the Jews were robbed apparently never reached the state treasury but remained in the hands of individual Croatians. "
"Encyclopedia of the Holocaust," transcribed and in PDF form,
http://emperors-clothes.com/croatia/encr.htm#base

While Croatia was a Nazi *ally*, Serbia was subject to draconian occupation by a Nazi army sent to invade Yugoslavia by a Hitler who was enraged at the Serbian overthrow of its government, in March 1941, after that government had made a deal with the Nazis. The Nazi attitude towards Serbs versus the Nazi attitude towards Croats was clearly expressed by a Nazi military officer whom the New York Times reporter spoke to in May 1941, a month after the Nazis set up the 'Independent' State of Croatia, and conquered Serbia. A German Oberlieutenant told the N.Y. Times:

"'The Croats fought with us and they will receive the fruits they deserve. We shall not be too hard upon the Bosnians. What the Italians do with the Montenegrins and Dalmatians is their business. We shall deal with the Serbs as Nordic conquerors must deal with vain inferiors who opposed them.'"
--"Nazis Held Ready to Crush Serb Guerrillas and Jews,"
by Ray Brock, by Telephone to The New York Times, May 11, 1941, Page 1

These are not Serbian sources. These are Yad Vashem's 1990 "Encyclopedia," and the New York Times of 1941. Are these part of some supposed Serbian lobby?

http://www.masonicinfo.com/hatestamps

On January 1, 1942 Serbia issued four stamps to commemorate the Grand Anti-Masonic Exhibition, which opened in Belgrade on October 22, 1941. These stamps depict a strong and victorious Serbia crushing an evil Masonimailto:tchateau@cfl.rr.comc-Communist-Jewish plot for world domination.
The surtax on this issue was used for Anti-Masonic, Anti-Communist, and Anti-Jewish propaganda.
Each stamp bore the opening date 22x1941 and was labeled "Anti-Masonic Exhibition" and "Serbia" in Cyrillic letters.
These stamps, with their juxtaposition of Masonic, Communist, Jewish and Serbian symbols (Nazi symbols are notably absent), provide a remarkable window into the Serbian wartime worldview. Even after the Communist takeover of Yugoslavia in May 1945 Masons were regarded with suspicion and contempt by the Serbian dominated Yugoslav authorities and Masonry remained outlawed for the next 45 years - until the summer of 1990.
The first stamp shows Masonry, allegorically clad as a hooded figure wearing an apron and star of David upon its bosom. This hooded figure is shown cringing from a strong ray of light, which emanates from a circular cabalistic design apparently representing the forces of Anti-Masonry.
Nowhere in Masonry does a hooded figure appear. Also any Mason could readily see the fallacy of "Cringing from Light" - did we not ask for light at least three times? Then too, the attempt to link Jewry with Freemasonry is very evident by the Star of David on the figure's bosom.
The second stamp of the series shows a hand emanating from a silvery light, as in the first stamp, and grasping the neck of a huge viper whose head rests on a square and compasses. This viper or snake is covered with the Stars of David rather than scales. Biblically, the snake represents the forces of evil (Jews and Masons) and here is symbolically being stopped by the hand of Nazism.
The third stamp shows a sheaf of wheat superimposed on a cross, which has a pointed lower leg, together with the hammer, and cycle all resting upon and splitting a star that symbolizes Serbia. This attempts to show that the Jew, Mason, and Communist are alike in ideal if not one and the same.
The last stamp of the series shows a Star of David upon the curved surface of the earth between two pillars which are being put asunder by a zealous modern Serbian Samson. These pillars presumably refer to the two pillars in the porch of King Solomon's Temple.
Our many thanks to Brother Terry Chateau for his extensive description and this photo. If you're interested in Masonic stamps, drop him or us a note! We've been active and involved collectors for some time....
Incidentally, if you are interested in philately and Masonry, there are several groups of Masonic stamp collectors. The American Topical Association has had a Masonic Study Unit for some thirty years (your web site author is member #10) and Masonic stamp displays have won many show awards over the years. Stamp collecting remains an exciting and interesting hobby and one which teaches much - as can be seen from the stamps above!
Interested? Here's some further information:
The Philatelic Freemason is published bi-monthly by the Masonic Study Unit of the American Topical Association. Contact Robert A. Domingue, 59 Greenwood Road, Andover, MA 01810 for further information. Dues are $10.00 annually (US). This newsletter always presents excellent information.
The Masonic Philatelist is published quarterly by the Masonic Stamp Club of New York, founded in 1934. In addition, the club has regular meetings at 2:00pm the second Wednesday of each month (except summer) at The Collectors Club, 22 East 35th Street, New York, NY 10016. Further information about membership is available from the Secretary, MSCNY at that address. Dr. Allen Boudreau edits and publishes a small glossy magazine which is well respected in the philatelic community.

First of all, Serbia was conquered by Nazi Germany in April 1941, and it was still conquered territory in 1942 (indeed, until 1945, when the Germans were driven out). Any stamps issued under the occupation, indeed any official acts, including public exhibitions intended to *try* to win Serbs to Nazism (as the Nazis tried to win every conquered, hostile population to Nazism) were the work of the Nazi army and gestapo. So if such stamps were issued, they were issued by Nazi Germany, which, along with other Axis powers - Hungary and Italy - had ANNEXED conquered Serbia. There was no real Serbian government in 1942 any more than there was a real Czech government in 1942. But there WAS a real, functioning Croatian government, just as there was a REAL functioning Slovakian government, in 1942 and throughout the war.

The Ustasha (clerical-fascist, pro-Nazi) state of 'Independent' Croatia, was NOT an occupied state; it was NOT annexed. It was a Nazi ally. (Thus, for example, Croatia organized a volunteer corps to fight at Stalingrad and had a government which negotiated with the Germans over the payment for deported Jews, as did Slovakia; today's reborn Ustasha regime in Zagreb issued, in the 1990s, books boasting of the glories of fighting on the Nazi side in Stalingrad.)

This is why the Nazi officer, quoted earlier (see "Nazis Held Ready to Crush Serb Guerrillas and Jews," at http://tenc.net/a/oct10.htm#5 ) told the New York Times in 1941 that Germany would REWARD the Croats and TERRIBLY PUNISH the Serbs. REWARD and PUNISH are not the same.

Second, regarding the insane Nazi slander (very deadly insane slander) that a supposed Jewish conspiracy uses Masons to destroy Christianity - a charge elaborated in Hitler's favorite book, "The Protocols of Zion" - regarding that genocide-justifying slander, it is the theme of what is arguably Thompson's #1 song (title song of two albums, sung 6 times in his last five albums, sung with audience participation when he performed in Toronto this Nov. 4, etc.). Here are the first two stanzas of Croatian rock star Marko Perkovic Thompson's big hit - his lyrics, him singing, singing on this very tour, with audience participation, and we have a video to prove it:

[First two stanzas of ‘Alas My People’ or 'E moj narode' starts here]

Since the times of Christ,
New faces but the scene is the same,
Evil forces battle against us to destroy us

Antichrists and Masons,
Communists of all sorts
Spread diabolic Satanic phrases
To defeat us.
Alas, my people, alas, my people.

-- Lyrics in Serbo-Croatian at http://www.crolinks.com/cromusic/e/emojnaro.htm

[First two stanzas of ‘Alas My People’ ends here]

For more see www.tenc.net

Case closed.

Albert Einstein
Heinrich Mann

APPEAL TO THE INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE OF HUMAN RIGHTS
125, AVENUE DE WAGRAM, PARIS

Distinguished friends!

We cannot let pass the occasion to alert the International League of Human Rights to the events that led to the murder of a Croatian scholar Dr Milan Sufflay on February 18 [1931].

As the scholar was going home on that day, he was, on a street in Zagreb, attacked from behind and, according to the reports we have received, murdered with an iron rod. The next day he succumbed to the heavy injuries and died. He was buried at Zagreb's Mirogoj Cemetery on February 22, next to the other Croatian martyrs.

Professor Milan Sufflay was renowned for his numerous research articles and activities. Zagreb's newspapers, however, were not allowed to report on the activities of this scholar. The obituary notice was confiscated and condolence telegrams were not allowed to be sent. It was not allowed to announce the time of the funeral, and the hanging of a flag of mourning on the university building was forbidden.

The students that attended the funeral were banished from Zagreb by police authorities and the Croatian national tricolours that decorated the wreaths were removed.

The name of the murderer, Branko Zwerger, was known. The organisation that he was a member of was also known ("Young Yugoslavia"). It was known that the murder was arranged on the night between February 11 and 12, in the flat belonging to the commander of the city, General Belimarkovic. Brkic, Godler, Marcec and the murderer Zwerger were the members of the "Young Yugoslavia" organisation that took part in the assassination. Despite that, the Zagreb police announced on February 19 that the murderer was unknown.

The following facts preceded the murder of professor Sufflay:

1. On the occasion of the visit of the King of Serbia to Zagreb in January, a number of the most renowned personalities - Croatian leader Dr Vlatko Macek, Dr Ante Trumbic, Dr Mile Budak, university professors Dr Filip Lukas, Dr David Karlovic, Dr Milan Sufflay and others - were sent threatening letters signed "For the King and the Homeland," according to which their lives and the lives of their families would be the price if there were any protests or demonstrations during the King's visit to Zagreb.
2. King Alexander held a public speech to the terrorist organisation bearing the name "Young Yugoslavia," in which he spoke about removing Croatian representatives elected by the people, which he had carried out. He said: “I have removed the representatives.” He himself gave the initiative, that is the order, for his formal removal from the parliament, to be transformed into a physical, that is lasting, removal. June 20, 1928, when the Croatian leaders were murdered in the Belgrade parliament, should be used as a guideline.
3. Following that the government's press appealed to the public to murder the leaders of the Croatian people. Thus it was written in the government newspaper "Nasa sloga" (Our Unity) in Sušak on February 18: "The heads will be smashed."
4. On the same night, Professor Sufflay was murdered in Zagreb. The second example of an open invitation to murder was published on February 28 in the Split journal "Zastava" (The Flag), while further invitations were published in the Maribor journal "Jugoslaven" (The Yugoslav). Some members of "Young Yugoslavia", who had the task of carrying out the murders of Croats in foreign countries, were on March 12 in Vienna caught while carrying out preparations for the murders, and were handed to the courts in Vienna for judicial proceedings.

A delegation of Croatian national representatives handed the League of Nations in Geneva a Memorandum, dated January 25, 1930, which was also sent to governments and organisations of all cultural states, warning them about the situation in Croatia. The Memorandum was an accusation before the entire world against the absolutist rule of the King of Serbia and against the terror and horror of the rule against the Croatian people. As facts have proven, the horrors since that time have only be come worse. With consideration to this alarming state of affairs, we ask of you, the International League of Human Rights, to take all the necessary measures to put a stop to this endless and violent tyranny.

Murder as a source for achieving political goals must not be tolerated.

Glorifying murderers as national heroes must not be tolerated.

We feel that it is the duty of the International League of Human Rights to appeal to all those that respect freedom and the human rights of nations, to oppose the tyranny that rules in Croatia and to start the most dignified protest. All countries, especially France, Germany, Poland, Austria, places where the International League of Human Rights exists, have the responsibility of acting as a shield for this small, peaceful, and enlightened nation.

We await your decision and send you kind regards.

German League of Human Rights

Albert Einstein
Heinrich Mann

April 1931, Berlin.

СЛОБОДАНЕ, СЛОБОДАНЕ,
ШАЉИ НАМ САЛАТЕ; БИТ ЋЕ МЕСА,
БИТ ЋЕ МЕСА - КЛАТ ЋЕМО ХРВАТЕ !
("Slobodane, Slobodane, šalji nam salate; bit će mesa, bit će mesa - klat ćemo Hrvate!...")

English translation would be:

Slobodane, Slobodane send us some salad, It's gonna be lot of meat, lot of meat, we will slaughter Croats!

http://juliagorin.blogspot.com/2007/06/since-julia-is-in-mood-to-translate.html

Link:
http://www.masonicinfo.com/hatestamps.htm

Although recently canonized as a saint by the Serbian Orthodox Church, some of his writings are viewed as anti-semitic. In his "Through the Prison Window", he claimed that "democracy, strikes, socialism, atheism, tolerance to other faiths, pacifism, revolution, capitalism and communism" were all "brought on" by the Jews, or which is the same thing, "their father the Devil". He was puzzled why the Europeans showed so much tolerance to them and could not see through their "ploys". He also criticized European scientific achievements in the field of particle physics for being anti-Chrtistian and possibly introduced by Jews. Further, he criticized the "mania for cleanliness" as being introduced by the Jews. (Here he used an archaic pejorative term 'Civutin'). (Bishop Nikolaj Velimirovic: Addresses to the Serbian People--Through the Prison Window. Himmelsthur, Germany: Serbian Orthodox Eparchy for Western Europe, 1985, pp. 161-162).

Similar, although less violent remarks can be found in New Speeches under the Mountain, The Ohrid Prologue or Indian Letters.

Contrary to popular perception of Velimirovic as somebody who was actively engaged in saving Jews from Nazi-occupied Serbia, only one such action has any basis in history. Ela Trifunovic, born Neuheus, wrote to the Serbian Orthodox Church in 2001, claiming that she had spent 18 months hiding in Ljubostinja monastery where she was smuggled by Velimirovic, guarded and later helped move on with false papers.

In a speech in 1939, Velimirovic claimed that Serbs were of Arian race "by blood". In the same speech he talked of tribes of "poorer race and lower faith".(Speech for 550th Vidovdan, 28 June 1939 in Ravanica Monastery).

In a treatise on Saint Sava, he expressed his admiration for Hitler by comparing him to Saint Sava. He said that Saint Sava had already done for the Serbs what Hitler was doing for the Germans. (See "Nationalism of Saint Sava", in Collected Works of Nikolaj Velimirovic (Vladimir Maksimovic: Belgrade 1996), page 36.

Adolf Hitler decorated Nikolaj Velimirovic in 1935 for his contributions to the restoration of German military cemetery in Bitola in 1926. Contrary to some claims that the order was returned in protest at German aggression in 1941 (see letter 'Poveli ste se za mišljenjem Filipa Koena' in Danas, 27 July 2002), some of Velimirovic's supporters mentioned it as a way of pacifying Germans after Velimirovic's arrest.

In an interview given in the United States in 1953, Velimirovic claimed that he was the spiritual gray eminence behind the nationalist and collaborating extreme-right Zbor organization. The military arm of that organization (SDK - Srpski Dobrovoljacki Korpus - Serbian Volunteers' Corps) was fighting against both Partisans and Chetniks in WWII and was responsible for numerous civilian executions in Serbia of both Serbs and other nationals (Jews, Roma, etc.) When the leader of Zbor, Dimitrije Ljotic, got arrested in 1940 by old Yuogoslav government, Velimirovic wrote a letter to the PM, Dragisa Cvetkovic, protesting this. Velimirovic attended Ljotic's funeral in 1945 and spoke very positively of him even though it was already known that Ljotic was collaborating with the Germans. He spoke of Ljotic as of "ideologue of Serbian nationalism".

In spite of this, Velimirovic's other actions were more clearly directed against the Germans who got suspicious of him when he supported the coup in April 1941. They then suspected him of collaborating with the Chetniks and formally arrested him and kept him first in Ljubostinja Monastery and then in 1944 in Dachau concentration camp. It was here that the controversial "Through the Prison Window" was written. Contrary to claims that Velimirovic was under pressure, he had a privileged treatment, being located in Ehrenbunker, being allowed to wear his own religious clothes, having access to officer's canteen and not being subject to regular regime which other prisoners had to endure. Particularly important in this respect is the fact that he was never tortured and had access to officer's medical services. All of this was confirmed by witnesses whose testimonies were published by Serbian Orthodox Church in 1946. Contrary to the reports that Velimirovic was liberated when American 36th American division reached Dachau, both he and Patriarch Dozic were actually released in 1944. (Glasnik Srpske pravoslavne crkve - Serbian Orthodox Church Official Gazette, July 1946, p. 66-67).

From Dachau, this venerated Serbian priest endorsed the Holocaust: “Europe is presently the main battlefield of the Jew and his father, the devil, against the heavenly Father and his only begotten Son… (Jews) first need to become legally equal with Christians in order to repress Christianity next, turn Christians into atheist, and step on their necks. All the modern European slogans have been made up by Jews, the crucifiers of Christ: democracy, strikes, socialism atheism, tolerance of all religions, pacifism, universal revolution, capitalism and communism… All this has been done with the intention to eliminate Christ… You should think about this, my Serbian brethren, and correspondingly correct your thoughts, desires and acts. (Bishop Nikolaj Velimirovic: Addresses to the Serbian People–Through the Prison Window. Himmelsthur, Germany: Serbian Orthodox Eparchy for Western Europe, 1985, pp. 161-162).”

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nikolaj_Velimirovi%C4%87

Although recently canonized as a saint by the Serbian Orthodox Church, some of his writings are viewed as anti-semitic. In his "Through the Prison Window", he claimed that "democracy, strikes, socialism, atheism, tolerance to other faiths, pacifism, revolution, capitalism and communism" were all "brought on" by the Jews, or which is the same thing, "their father the Devil". He was puzzled why the Europeans showed so much tolerance to them and could not see through their "ploys". He also criticized European scientific achievements in the field of particle physics for being anti-Chrtistian and possibly introduced by Jews. Further, he criticized the "mania for cleanliness" as being introduced by the Jews. (Here he used an archaic pejorative term 'Civutin'). (Bishop Nikolaj Velimirovic: Addresses to the Serbian People--Through the Prison Window. Himmelsthur, Germany: Serbian Orthodox Eparchy for Western Europe, 1985, pp. 161-162).

Similar, although less violent remarks can be found in New Speeches under the Mountain, The Ohrid Prologue or Indian Letters.

Contrary to popular perception of Velimirovic as somebody who was actively engaged in saving Jews from Nazi-occupied Serbia, only one such action has any basis in history. Ela Trifunovic, born Neuheus, wrote to the Serbian Orthodox Church in 2001, claiming that she had spent 18 months hiding in Ljubostinja monastery where she was smuggled by Velimirovic, guarded and later helped move on with false papers.

In a speech in 1939, Velimirovic claimed that Serbs were of Arian race "by blood". In the same speech he talked of tribes of "poorer race and lower faith".(Speech for 550th Vidovdan, 28 June 1939 in Ravanica Monastery).

In a treatise on Saint Sava, he expressed his admiration for Hitler by comparing him to Saint Sava. He said that Saint Sava had already done for the Serbs what Hitler was doing for the Germans. (See "Nationalism of Saint Sava", in Collected Works of Nikolaj Velimirovic (Vladimir Maksimovic: Belgrade 1996), page 36.

Adolf Hitler decorated Nikolaj Velimirovic in 1935 for his contributions to the restoration of German military cemetery in Bitola in 1926. Contrary to some claims that the order was returned in protest at German aggression in 1941 (see letter 'Poveli ste se za mišljenjem Filipa Koena' in Danas, 27 July 2002), some of Velimirovic's supporters mentioned it as a way of pacifying Germans after Velimirovic's arrest.

In an interview given in the United States in 1953, Velimirovic claimed that he was the spiritual gray eminence behind the nationalist and collaborating extreme-right Zbor organization. The military arm of that organization (SDK - Srpski Dobrovoljacki Korpus - Serbian Volunteers' Corps) was fighting against both Partisans and Chetniks in WWII and was responsible for numerous civilian executions in Serbia of both Serbs and other nationals (Jews, Roma, etc.) When the leader of Zbor, Dimitrije Ljotic, got arrested in 1940 by old Yuogoslav government, Velimirovic wrote a letter to the PM, Dragisa Cvetkovic, protesting this. Velimirovic attended Ljotic's funeral in 1945 and spoke very positively of him even though it was already known that Ljotic was collaborating with the Germans. He spoke of Ljotic as of "ideologue of Serbian nationalism".

In spite of this, Velimirovic's other actions were more clearly directed against the Germans who got suspicious of him when he supported the coup in April 1941. They then suspected him of collaborating with the Chetniks and formally arrested him and kept him first in Ljubostinja Monastery and then in 1944 in Dachau concentration camp. It was here that the controversial "Through the Prison Window" was written. Contrary to claims that Velimirovic was under pressure, he had a privileged treatment, being located in Ehrenbunker, being allowed to wear his own religious clothes, having access to officer's canteen and not being subject to regular regime which other prisoners had to endure. Particularly important in this respect is the fact that he was never tortured and had access to officer's medical services. All of this was confirmed by witnesses whose testimonies were published by Serbian Orthodox Church in 1946. Contrary to the reports that Velimirovic was liberated when American 36th American division reached Dachau, both he and Patriarch Dozic were actually released in 1944. (Glasnik Srpske pravoslavne crkve - Serbian Orthodox Church Official Gazette, July 1946, p. 66-67). From Dachau, this venerated Serbian priest endorsed the Holocaust: “Europe is presently the main battlefield of the Jew and his father, the devil, against the heavenly Father and his only begotten Son… (Jews) first need to become legally equal with Christians in order to repress Christianity next, turn Christians into atheist, and step on their necks. All the modern European slogans have been made up by Jews, the crucifiers of Christ: democracy, strikes, socialism atheism, tolerance of all religions, pacifism, universal revolution, capitalism and communism… All this has been done with the intention to eliminate Christ… You should think about this, my Serbian brethren, and correspondingly correct your thoughts, desires and acts. (Bishop Nikolaj Velimirovic: Addresses to the Serbian People–Through the Prison Window. Himmelsthur, Germany: Serbian Orthodox Eparchy for Western Europe, 1985, pp. 161-162).”

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nikolaj_Velimirovi%C4%87

The New York Times

Serbian Salute

Published: January 2, 1997

To the Editor:

A Dec. 19 letter, taking issue with my reference (letter, Dec. 15) to the Serbian three-finger salute as fascist, says Serbian students use the salute as ''a gesture of Christian defiance'' against the rule of President Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia. In fact, some students in the democratic opposition refuse to use it. Here is some documented support for my reference:

* This salute was used to swear in troops of the Nedic-Ljotic Nazi collaborationist regime in Belgrade, Serbia, that was complicit in the Holocaust.

* Vuk Draskovic, a leader in today's Serbian opposition, included a photo of this swearing-in in his party publication in 1995 to show the salute's historical continuity and legitimacy. The salute now adorns his party's posters.

* The gesture is commonly recognized as a sign of Serbian supremacy in rallies by supporters of Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, the Bosnian Serb leaders now under indictment for genocide, and by soldiers under their command.

* Survivors of that genocide report being forced to use the salute during torture, rape and killing by Serbian forces.

* Neo-Nazis in Germany today, denied the Hitler salute by German law, use the three-fingered salute in its place.

None of these are religious practices. When Orthodox Christians cup three fingers to make the sign of the cross, they are not using the Serbian fascist three-finger salute. Nor are those who use it praying.

CATHARINE A. MACKINNON
Ann Arbor, Mich., Dec. 30, 1996

The writer, a University of Michigan law professor, is lead counsel in a suit against Radovan Karadzic.